Full text of "Arizona historical review"

See other formats

REYNOLDS HISTORICAL
GENEALOoY COLLECTION

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY

1833 01743 946

GENEALOGY
Q?Q . 1

AR4769

V.l

Arizona Historical Review

volume 1

1928

:) 'li

t~.!/.orr> * r;-:'-- •’ s:;i*' ■,-

vmst

<>X (

r '• if

•• L51V
• -•«- *,x *i

> «

J. W. STRODE, MAJOR GKO. II. KEU.V, State Historian, GOV. GKO. W. 1*. HUNT, RISHOP SKRN SORENSON.

OM House, Navajo Springs, where the first territorial government wna nrgnnize.l. Picture taken June 21, 10211. Territory organized December 20, 1S63

Arizona Historical Data

The territory now included within the limits of Arizona was ac-
quired by virtue of treaties concluded with Mexico in 1S48 and in 1S54.
Previous to that time this country belonged to Mexico as a part of Sonora.

The act cutting Arizona away from the territory of New Mexico was
passed by the United States congress and signed by President Abraham
Lincoln on February 24, 1863.

Governor John N. Goodwin and other territorial officials reached
Navajo Springs, now in Navajo County, on December 29, 1863 where on
that date the governor issued a proclamation inaugurating the territorial
government.

The first Arizona territorial legislature was convened in Prescott, the
temporary Capital, September 26, 1S64. Territorial capital located in
Tucson November 1, 1867, under an act of the legislature. The territorial
capital w’as relocated at Prescott the first Monday in May, 1S77. On
February 4, 1S89 the territorial capital was permanently located at
Phoenix where it has remained since.

Arizona became a state on February 14, 1912, by virtue of a con-
gressional act passed in 1911.

The officers appointed by President Lincoln, wrho were responsible
for the first Arizona territorial government were: John N. Goodwin, of

Maine, Governor; Richard C. McCormick, of New York, Secretary of the
Territory; William F. Turner, of Iowa, Chief Justice; William T. Howell,
of Michigan and Joseph P. Allyn, of Connecticut, associate justices;
Almon Gage, of New York, attorney general; Levi Bashford, of Wis-
consin, Surveyor General; Milton B. Duffield, of Newr \ ork, U. S. Marshal;
Charles D. Poston, of Kentucky, Superintendent Indian affairs.

The first Arizona State officials, elected in 1911, included the following:
George W. P. Hunt, Governor; Sidney P. Osborn, Secretary of State;
J. C. Callaghan, State auditor; D. F. Johnson, State treasurer; C. O. Case,
Superintendent of Public instruction; W. P. Geary, F. A. Jones and A. W.
Cole, Corporation Commissioners; Alfred Franklin, Chief Justice; D. L.
Cunningham and H. D. Ross, Associate Justices of the Supreme Court.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

This is the first issue of the Arizona Historical Review.
It will be issued quarterly hereafter and letters from prom-
inent citizens of the state, interested in having its history
preserved, have encouraged and strengthened the hope that
the publication will be favorably received by the public and
attain a self-supporting basis during the present year. The
idea of a state historical review is not a new one, as many
states have one devoted to publishing specially prepared
articles dealing with incidents and giving experiences of
those who marched in the column of pioneers which first
planted the white man’s civilization on the Atlantic coast
and pushed it across the country to the Pacific Ocean.

Arizona is the youngest state in the Union but its an-
tiquity reaches back many years prior to the coming of the
Spanish conquistadors or the landing of the pilgrims on
Plymouth Rock. The ancient civilization in Arizona is shown
by the remaining ruins and irrigation canals to have in-
cluded methods requiring scientific knowledge of economy in
construction and much genius in planning for defense against
enemies. We hope to have stories in the Historical Review of
Arizona’s pre-historic features from men capable to enlighten
the present day population on some of the habits and in-
dustrial methods of those who, for instance, built the Casa
Grande ruins, the cliff houses now in ruins in many parts of
our state and the system of irrigation canals found in the
Gila and Salt River Valleys.

The first United States authority under the Stars and
Stripes, reached what is now Arizona in 1846, when the
Kearney expedition took over the government of New
Mexico, of which all of present day Arizona north of the Gila
River was a part, passing on to California to assume control
of that state. From this date began the modern history
of Arizona. From this date the pioneers who treked the old

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Santa Fe trail over the Rocky Mountains began the work of
subduing the hostile Indians, reclaiming a parching and
waterless desert by irrigation and making of it a land of
successful agricultural and horticultural activity by first
building crude, brush dams and digging the original canals
which took the water from the rivers and carried it to the
planted crops; from this date began the development of
Arizona’s resources and the bringing of stock to the vast
areas of pastural ranges found on the mesas and in the valleys;
after this date began the creation of Arizona’s system of
public education which has grown to its present magnitude,
so creditable to those who have had to do with its progress.
While the early Christians who came to this country with the
early expeditions of the conquistadors were allied with the
Catholic Church, now all the more prominent protestant
churches are well established in Arizona with creditable
edifices in which to conduct their worship.

What is desired for the pages of the Arizona Historical
Review are stories telling of establishment and progress of all
these enterprises and creditable features of our state. Stories
of this character telling of incidents encountered in the over-
coming of such great obstacles as confronted the Arizona
pioneers and also of personal experiences.

Before definitely deciding to launch the publication of the
Arizona Historical Review, the state historian, in a letter to
a number of the prominent citizens of the state, whose co-
operation was regarded as necessary for success, made knov,n
what he had in mind. The responses to these letters were
most gratifying, and the work of making preparation for
issuing this first number was at once undertaken.

Following are some of the letters received by the state
historian, giving endorsement to the idea of the Arizona
Historical Review:

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Executive Office
State House,

Phoenix

December 2, 1927.

“My dear Major Kelly:

I have your letter of November 30th in which
you state that you as State Historian are contemplating
starting a quarterly magazine.

I am very glad to approve of your project.
I think it merits consideration and I believe that after a few
editions of the magazine it would become a self-supporting
project. I am sure it will prove a success.

My only comment is, the magazine should have
been gotten out earlier. Anything I can do to help you pro-
mote the enterprise I’ll be glad to be advised of.

Yours sincerely,

Geo. W. P. Hunt, Governor.

Major Geo. II. Kelly,

State Historian, Phoenix.,,

State Law' and Legislative
Reference Library
State House
Phoenix, Dec. 13, 1927.

“Hon. George H. Kelly
Arizona State Historian
State Capitol, Phoenix, Arizona.

My dear Major Kelly:

I have your communication of the first instant
anent the proposition of publishing by you a magazine to be
known as the Arizona Historical Review.

It is with great satisfaction that I note your
purpose to proceed with such a publication and I feel assured
of its success from the beginning. Although we have had
several histories, the real history of the State and Territory
of Arizona is in the memories of the pioneers who still remain
with us. Their reminiscenses and stories of the early battles

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

against the savage Apache and the more savage desert heat,
in the making of a state, will make most fascinating reading
for the present and future generations.

Assuring you of my hearty support and with
very best wishes for your success, I am

Very sincerely yours,

Con P. Cronin,

State Librarian.

Tempe State Teachers’ College
Tempe, Arizona
Dec. 12, 1927.

“ George H. Kelly,

Arizona State Historian,

State House, Phoenix, Arizona.

My dear Sir:

I have read your letter of recent date with
considerable interest. There is one point in it which strikes
me very forcibly and which it seems to me would be a decided
success if undertaken by some one who has as much material
on hand as you possess and who has the ability to put it into
good shape for a quarterly publication.

I believe that the establishment of a quarterly
review for Arizona would be a success. Should you decide to
take up the matter, let me assure you of my personal interest
and co-operation so far as I can be of any service. I am sure
that the state educational institutions would all be willing to
co-operate with you in the matter of publishing such a work.

Very cordially yours,

A. J. Matthew's, President.”

The Coconino Sun

Flagstaff, Arizona
December 8th, 1927.

“Major George H. Kelly,

State Historian, Phoenix, Ariz.

My dear Major:

I have your letter of the 1st relative to a

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

quarterly historical magazine and believe the suggestion is a
good one and should be carried out. It will stimulate the
gathering of data from time to time for future use and in its
self would be most interesting to a great many people through-

out the state. »

With best wishes, I am
Sincerely yours,

F. S. Breen. "

Northern Arizona State Teachers* College
Flagstaff, Dec. 3, 1927. ,

“Major Geo. H. Kelly,

State Historian,

State House, Phoenix, Arizona
My dear Major Kelly:

I have your letter with reference to the pub-
lication of a quarterly historical magazine dealing with the

development of Arizona.

It seems to me this will be a very worth while

undertaking, one filled with the finest possibilities. There is
a wonderful supply of material for such a magazine and I
believe the publication of this material in this form would
find many more readers than where it is published in book
form. It seems to me such a magazine would have a wide
appeal in Arizona and the entire Southwest.

It is my feeling that the average citizen of
Arizona does not have an adequate appreciation of the
romance, heroism, daring and hardship connected with the
development of our State. It is a most inspiring story that
should be read by every citizen of the State to the end that we
may develop a greater loyalty and a finer State consciousness.

I realize, but of course not so well as you, the
expense and work connected with a thing of this kind. But
if the State could finance the proposition for a short time, it
seems to me that it should not be so very long until it becomes
self-supporting. I can promise you the full, and, I believe,
enthusiastic cooperation of the Northern Arizona State
Teachers’ College. We have several people who art; interested

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

alone this line. One of our faculty members at the present
time is working on a book dealing with Arizona literature.
Our library is accumulating quite a collection of Anzoma.

I presume the most important part we could play in such a
publication would be the making of studies along various
lines with the idea of publishing the results in the magazine.

I presume it is your idea to have the magazine
directly under the control and management of the State
Historian, and then possibly have an advisory board on which
the various institutions and organizations of the State would
l)e represented, or perhaps recruiting the staff from these
organizations. So then, my first impression concerning the
niatter, is one of enthusiasm and hearty support to the extern,
of my ability.

I have not thought through the more practical
phases of the problem. I shall keep this matter in mind,
perhaps discussing it with individuals who may be interested
aud sometime in the near future, when I am in Phoenix, I
shall be glad to drop into your office and discuss the matter
further.

With assurances of my complete co-operation,

I am

Sincerely yours,

Grady Gammage, President.”

University of Arizona
Office of the President

Tucson, December 3, 1927

“Mr. George II. Kelly,

Arizona State Historian,

State House, Phoenix, Arizona.

My dear Mr. Kelly:

We heartily agree with you as to the desirability
of publishing an Arizona Historical Review, quarterly. It
wdl not only be a valuable contribution to Arizona s his-
torical records, but will also serve a great need in furnishing
information regarding Arizona and the Southwest to our winter
vuutors.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

The Arizona Archaeological and Historical
Society and the Department of History at the university will
be very glad, I am sure, to assist in this good work.

You doubtless will hear from Mrs. Kitt of the
Arizona Pioneers' Historical Society and I am confident that
she will add her cooperation and render valuable assistance.

Any aid that we may give to make the move-
ment go forward successfully, we shall be glad to render.
Wishing you continued health and success, we remain
Sincerely yours,

Byron Cummings, President."

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

ARIZONA— AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

(Written by Patrick Hamilton,

Arizona Immigration Commissioner in 1884).

The sixteenth century was prolific in memorable events
that make many a thrilling page in modern history. None
has a greater attraction than those which narrate the doings
of the Spanish conquerors in the New World. The glamour
of romance which the early chroniclers threw around the
lives and the deeds of those famous free-booters is not yet
dispelled; and the intrepidity, daring, personal bravery and
brilliant achievements of Cortez, Pizarro, Alvarado and Bal-
boa have a fascination for every student of history. Their
Avarice, selfishness and cruelty have left a blot on their
memory; but their fame is more than half redeemed by the
wonderful work they wrought. The grandeur of their con-
quests has covered with a halo of glory their personal failings
and imperfections; and the desperate adventurer is forgotten
in the hero whose invincible sword conquered an empire.
No hardship was too great or no danger too appalling to
daunt the hearts of those indomitable free lances. Any
enterprise, however desperate, that promised glory of gain,
always found in them ready recruits and enthusiastic sup-
porters. No part of the New World was too distant or too
dangerous for them to penetrate. Long before other European
nations thought of colonizing the western hemisphere, the
Spaniards had sent expeditions through all that vast region
now embraced by Mexico, Central America, Arizona, New
Mexico, Texas and Colorado. The imperfect records of these
various expeditions read like some tale of fiction; and the
reckless bravery, the dauntless energy, and the unconquered
*ill of the old cavaliers have never been surpassed, before or
**ree. To those pioneers of the western w'orld we are in-
t!rbu?d for our first glimpse of this country . But long before
the coming of the Caucasian another people and a different
emulation flourished here; but oblivion has so completely

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

swallowed up their identity that they cut no figure in our
annals.

Arizona is an olden land with a modern history. That it
was once the home of a semi-civilized race, there is ample
evidence in the ruins left by its former occupants, in nearly
every valley and mountain range. The origin and history of
the people who once held sway in this remote region of the
western world are lost in the mists of antiquity, and the
lengthening shadows of time afford to their modern successors
but a dim conjecture as to who they were, whence they came
and what were the causes wrhich led to their complete ex-
tinction. These questions suggested themselves to the first
Europeans who penetrated the territory, now Known as
Arizona, nearly three hundred and fifty years ago, and the
answers to them were as indefinite then as they are today.
There is every reason to believe that the most interesting
epoch in Arizona's history lies buried in those mysterious
mounds which are an enigma alike to the savant and the
sightseer; and the relics which are dug from them suggest
mutely, yet eloquently, the time when every valley smiled
with prosperity; wThen mountain and mesa were covered w7ith
flocks and herds; wrhen towns and cities adorned the plain
and a happy and contented people enjoyed the gifts of boun-
teous nature in this favored land. This was the golden age
of Arizona, but not even tradition gives a whisper as to the
causes which brought to so sudden an ending a civilization
at once so extensive and unique.

The modern history of the region now* embraced within
the limits of Arizona Territory begins with the advent of the
first Spanish adventurers. More than a quarter of a century
before their countrymen laid the foundations of St. Augustine,
and long before Captain John Smith established the “first
families" at Jamestown, or the Puritan Pilgrims had sighted
the inhospitable shores of Massachusetts Bay, the daring
Conquistadores had penetrated the wilds of Arizona and
New Mexico. To Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca belongs the
honor of being the first European to set foot upon Arizona
soil. He was treasurer and alcaide of the unfortunate ex-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

pcdition of Panfilo de Narvaez to the coast of Florida, in
1527. Casting anchor in Tampa Bay, Narvaez, with three
hundred and forty men, marched inland, after having ar-
ranged that the fleet should follow the coast. But the uniting
of the sea and the land forces was never effected. After
losing some vessels by storms and spending nearly a year
cruising about the coast, the fleet bore away for Cuba, being
unable to learn any tidings of the inland expedition.

Narvaez explored the interior for a considerable distance,
suffering many hardships. But instead of the golden treasures
and the Fountain of Perpetual Youth, which his excited
imagination had pictured as lying hidden in the Land of
Flowers, he found a wild and inhospitable region whose
swamps swarmed with venomous and repulsive reptiles, and
whose every breeze bore upon its wings the deadly malaria.

After long and profitless wanderings, the expedition again
reached the seaboard, but the fleet w*as nowhere in sight,
nor could any traces of it be found. In their extremity the
Spaniards made tools from their stirrups and other articles
of iron, and built five boats. In these the remnant of the
expedition, now reduced to a little over two hundred men,
embarked for Cuba. The boat commanded by Cabeza de
Vaca was stranded on an island, and the survivors, more
dead than alive, fell into the hands of the savages. As no
tidings of the other boats were ever received it is supposed
they were swallowed up by the hungry sea, writh all their
occupants.

According to the story of Alvar Nunez, himself and com-
panions became slaves of their captors. He remained with his
Indian taskmasters for nearly six years, naked like them-
selves, and suffering great hardships. At the end of that
time he effected his escape, but he only gained a change of
masters, for he was soon again a slave in another tribe. Here
he met Andreas Dorante, Alfonso del Castillo Maldanado,
ami Estevan, an Arabian negro. These were also members
of the expedition of Narvaez, who had been wrecked, and
*<*re now held in bondage by the Indians. With these

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

Cabeza de Vaca soon agreed upon a plan of escape. They
were in a desperate plight. Before them stretched hundreds
of leagues of treacherous sea; behind them lay an unknown
region of vast extent, never yet pressed by the foot of a
European. As the only chance of ever again seeing friends or
civilization, they determined to penetrate the wilderness to
the west, and endeavor to join their countrymen in Northern
Mexico. It was a bold resolve, but it was the only one that
promised deliverance from their present terrible condition.
To cross a continent, and brave the unforseen dangers which
lay in their path, required no ordinary daring, bub those old
Spaniards had hearts for any enterprise and nerves of steel
for any emergency.

Their wanderings and adventures read like some story of
romance, and only a mere outline of it can be given here.
The exact route of these first overland travelers is also a
matter of some doubt. They waded the swamps and bayous
of Florida and reached the Indian towns of the region now
embraced within the States of Georgia, Alabama and Mis-
sissippi. The wondering savages, as may be supposed, gazed
with astonishment, not unmixed with awe, upon the first
white men they had ever beheld. The negro, Estevan, was
likewise the subject of wild conjecture and unbounded
curiosity, he being the first of his race whom the red men
had ever seen. Nunez explained, as best he might, the cause
of their unexpected appearance, and their desire to reach
the European settlements on the distant Pacific. The natives
treated the strangers kindly, supplied them with provisions,
and provided comfortable quarters.

How long Cabeza de Vaca and his fellow-travelers re-
mained with these people is not clear, but their stay was
evidently a lengthy one.

Bidding adieu at last to their kind entertainers, they
turned their faces to the west and pushed on towards the
“big water.” They discovered the Mississippi nearly ten years
before De Soto stood upon its banks and found a resting
place beneath its turbid flood. Crossing the stream, they
traversed the wide plains, passing through many tribes, with

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

whom they tarried, and from all of whom they received
kindness and succor. To all inquiries of the wondering
aborigines, Nunez and his companions pointed toward the
setting sun, as the direction of their journey. They at last
reached the Arkansas and followed up that stream, meeting
with large bands of Indians encamped in its grassy valley.
Game was abundant and they feasted right royally in the
tepees of their dusky hosts.

Entering what is now New Mexico, they came to the
Indian Pueblos on the Rio Grande. These were the first
indications the Spaniards had seen during their weary
wanderings of anything like civilization. The inhabitants
lived in stone houses, cultivated the soil, dressed in deer
skins and light cotton stuffs and their mode of life, customs,
and surroundings were almost the same as they are at the
present day. They received the wayworn and ragged
Spaniards with the utmost kindness, set before them abund-
ance of food and provided them with beds of deer and bear
skins upon which to lay their weary limbs. The adventurers
remained at these towns for a lengthy period, the exact
duration of which can only be conjectured. They then
pressed on westward to the Zuni and Moqui villages. The
people of these villages were found to be similar in all respects
to those they had left on the Rio Grande. Their houses,
form of government, manners, and customs were exactly
the same and the lapse of three hundred and fifty years has
made no material change. Vague rumors had already reached
these towns about the wonderful race with white skins, and
beards on their faces, who had made their appearance far to
the south. They looked upon the band of hardy adventurers
as being from another world. Nothing was too good for the
pale faced strangers and the chief men vied with each other
in paying every attention and showing them every kindness.
The Spaniards succeeded in making their hosts understand
the cause of their coming and the object of their journey.
1 he Indians pointed south toward the snowclad peaks of the
>an Francisco, meaning they would find their countrymen in
that direction.

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

Leaving the Moqui towns, and well provided with pro-
visions, the party turned southward and passing through
central Arizona, reached after many days of weary travel, the
Pima settlements on the Gila.

This is the first knowledge we have of the tribe; and
Cabeza de Vaca’s narrative describes them as they are today.
Like all the other Indians whom the Spaniards had met, the
Pimas were spellbound with astonishment at the sight of the
strangers. They treated them with the deference due to
demigods and supplied them with everything to meet their
immediate wants. These aborigines had also heard of the
coming of the Europeans to Mexico and directed the party
to follow the line of Pima towns to the south and they would
lead them to the goal of their desires. Elated with the hope
of soon meeting their countrymen, Nunez and his comrades
resumed their journey with lighter hearts. They passed
through southern Arizona and Sonora and after many hard-
ships and adventures, which space will not admit of detailing
here, their longing eyes were at last gladdened by the sight of
the banner of Castile and Leon floating from the ramparts of
Culiacan, in Sinaloa. Overjoyed at the sight and bursting
into tears, they threw themselves upon the ground and
offered heart-felt prayers to God for their deliverance. When
the four ragged, dirty, unkempt and unshorn men marched
into the plaza the whole town turned out to gaze upon them.
Years of wandering in unknown wilds had bronzed their
faces almost to the color of the savage. Their uncouth garb
of tattered deer skins added to their wild appearance and
when they spoke, the spectators could hardly believe that
those were Christians and Spaniards who stood before them.

The reader who has accompanied Cabeza de Vaca (“Cow’s
Head”) in his tramp across the continent, may desire to
know his subsequent history. He was appointed, some years
later, to conduct the expedition for the discovery of the Rio
de la Plata and the conquest of Paraguay. To make amends
for the vicissitudes of his earlier career, fortune showered
honors and riches upon him towards its close. His surprising
adventures among the savages in the interior of the continent

18 ’ ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

lost nothing of their thrilling interest by his own narration,
which is marked by all the lively colors of the veracious
traveler.

Alvar Nunez and his companions gave glowing accounts of
the country over which they passed and their highly colored
descriptions of the “Seven Cities of Cibola, ” the Moqui towns,
and other points on the route, aroused the spirit of adventure
and cupidity among the restless Spaniards, ever ready to
face any danger or undergo any hardship that promised glory
or gain. The pious ardor of the zealous missionaries was
likewise fired by the tales which Nunez and his fellow travelers
told of the hordes to the northward, steeped in pagan idolatry
and awaiting the coming of those who would lead them to
the true God.

An adventurous pioneer of the cross in the western world,
Padre Marco de Niza by name, listening to the stories told by
Cabeza de Vaca, resolved to satisfy himself as to their truth
or falsity. Early in 1539 the good Father, under the patronage
of the Viceroy Mendoza, and accompanied by a few followers,
and guided by the negro Estevan, set out from Culiacan in
search of the “Seven Cities of the Bull. ” They passed

through the country of the Pimas, and up the valley of the
Santa Cruz, by the present site of Tucson, thence across to
the Pima settlements on the Gila. Here the party were
furnished with guides and provisions and traveled north to
the valleys of Central Arizona. Here they met the friendly
Yavapai tribe, with whom they rested several days. Striking
northeast towards the San Francisco mountains they soon
came to the Little Colorado and a few days journey beyond
their eyes were gladdened by the sight of the first of the mys-
* «*te.rious “Seven Cities.” Father de Niza sent forward Estevan to
the first city to notify the chief of his arrival and the peaceful
nature of his mission. It is said the black Lothario became a
little too familiar with the Moqui maidens, which so incensed
the warriors that they dashed out his brains with their
war-clubs. The Father, hearing of the fate that had befallen
his dusky follower, did not enter the city, deeming the temper
°f the inhabitants not in a proper condition for the reception

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

of the gospel truths. He set up the emblem of Christianity,
named the country the New Kingdom of San Francisco and
returned to Culiacan.

The public mind throughout New Spain was wrought up
to a high pitch of excitement by the news which Padre de
Niza brought on his return. The desire to extend the dominion
of the Cross produced in the breasts of the fathers a feeling of
holy adventure; and the thirst for gold and glory possessed
alike the belted knight and the sturdy man-at-arms. The
Viceroy, Mendoza, became infused with the spirit which
surrounded him and fitted out two expeditions to explore the
marvelous country to the north; one by land under Vazquez
de Coronado and the other by sea under Fernando Alarcon.
In April, 1540, Coronado marched out of Culiacan with nearly
a thousand men, the greater number being Indians. He
entered Arizona by the valley of the Santa Cruz and passed
by the present site of Tucson, where he found an Indian
rancheria. He then directed his march to the Pima towns
on the Gila. While resting here, Coronado visited the ruins
of Chichitilaca, which he named “Casa Grande.” Crossing
over to the Salt River, the Spanish leader followed that
stream to its junction with the Verde and up the latter to its
source in the Valle de Chino. From this point he struck
across to the San Francisco mountain country and thence into
the \ _dley of the stream, which he named the “ Rio del Lion, ”
from the quantities of wild flax found growing on its banks.
The river is now known as the Colorado Cfiiquito. Directing
his course northwest, from this point, two days march
brought him in sight of the Moqui towns, forty-five days
after starting from Culiacan.

The rich and populous cities which the adventurers
expected to find proved to be but a collection of poor and
insignificant villages. The houses were small, built in terraces
and laid in rough* stone as they are at the present day. The
province contained seven villages, each governed by a chief.
The people were peaceful, intelligent and industrious. They
raised good crops of corn, beans and pumpl-lins, cultivated
fine peaches, wore cotton cloth and dressed deer skins, and

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

were in no respect materially different from their descendants,
the Moquis and Zunis of the present day.

As may be supposed, the inhabitants were greatly alarmed
at the appearance of so large a force, but they were given to
understand no harm was intended them if they gave up the
wealth they were reported to possess to the invaders. But a
thorough search failed to bring to light the treasures said to
exist in such profusion in the “Seven Cities.” Large quan-
tities of corn were found in the store houses, and every
dwelling was well supplied with domestic utensils fashioned of
baked clay. At one of the towns, which he named Granada,

and Coronado took the

the inhabitants offereJ

'SiStcr:

place by assault, killing a number of the natives. He speaks
of the people of these towns as being well disposed and in-
dustrious in cultivating the soil. They held their lands in
severalty and had a well arranged tribal government. He
next visited the Zuni villages, which he found an exact coun-
terpart of those of the Moquis. The former, like the latter,
had no treasure to tempt the cupidity of the Spaniards and,
beyond being called upon for a supply of provisions, they
were left unmolested. Disappointed in his quest, the Spaniard
leader turned his face eastward. He visited the New Mexico
pueblos on the Rio Grande, which he found larger and more
populous then those of the Zunis and Moquis and whose
customs, laws, religion and mode of life were exactly similar.
But among them, as among the tribes first visited, there was
a notable dearth of the royal metal, and save a few silver and
copper ornaments, their dwellings were entirely destitute of
the wealth they had been reported to contain. Coronado
next turned north and explored the country as far as the
present site of Denver, and east as far as the Canadian river.
During his march through the latter region, he had several
brushes with the Comanches and lost a number of his Indian
auxiliaries. With the exception of roving bands of savages,
he found the country uninhabited.

Disappointed in finding no booty, and cursing his credulity
in listening to the talcs of Alvar Nunez and Padre de Niza,
the Spanish adventurer directed his steps homeward and in

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

the spring of 1542, after nearly two years of profitless wan-
derings, the expedition returned to Mexico. While encamped
in the San Francisco mountains, Coronado sent out two detach-
ments to explore the country to the west. One of these, com-
manded by Captain Diaz, discovered the great Colorado below
the Canyon and followed it to its mouth.

Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was sent northward with
a command of twelve men and was the first white man to
gaze upon the wonders of the Grand Canyon. The expedition
of Alarcon set sail about the time Coronado marched. It
was intended to co-operate with the land forces but there
was little concert of action in the movements of either.
Alarcon discovered the Gulf of California, which he named
the Sea of Cortez. He also discovered the Colorado and Gila
rivers. Not being able to stem the current of the former
stream, he manned two boats and ascended it some ninety
leagues to the mouth of the Grand Canyon. He then set
sail and returned to Mexico.

It was not until 1582, forty years later, that any further
efforts were made to explore the region known to the Spani-
ards as “Arizuma.” In that year Antonio de Espejo led an
expedition towards the north. He penetrated to the region
of the Rio Grande, traveled up that stream some fifteen days
and named the country Nueve Mexico. He passed through
many pueblos and turning westward visited Zia and Acoma.
The former place he speaks of as having a population of
20,000 souls, “and containing eight market places and better
houses, the latter plastered and painted in diverse colors.”
The Zuni pueblos were next visited and named Cibola. From
this point, Espejo traveled westward to the Moqui towns,
where he was received most hospitably and presented with
baskets of corn and mantles of cotton cloth. Tarrying here
but a short time, he again journeyed on, and forty-five leagues
southwest to Moqui, on a mountain easily ascended, he
discovered rich silver ore. The mines were situated near two
rivers, whose banks were lined with great quantities of wild
grapes, walnut trees and flax “like that of Castile.”

There can scarcely be a doubt that one of those streams was

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

the Rio Verde, and that the mines were situated at no great
distance from it, probably in the region of the country now
known as the Black Hills. This is the first authentic account
we possess of the finding of precious metals within the limits
of Arizona and to Antonio de Espejo must be awarded the
honor of the discovery. He was the pioneer prospector of our
territory and little dreamed what magnificent results were to
flow from his find. History is silent as to whether the old
cavalier set up his “monuments” and marked his “claim”
but as he shortly afterwards returned to Zuni, it is presumed
he did not consider his discovery of sufficient importance to
merit much attention. From Zuni, Espejo retraced his steps
to the Rio Grande, and crossing over to the Rio Pecos, des-
cended that stream to its mouth and then returned to Mexico,
where he arrived in 1583.

As these expeditions were undertaken solely with the hope
of acquiring sudden wealth, like that which rewarded the
conquerors of Mexico and Peru, no effort was made to found
colonies and a century elapsed before any effort was made to
establish a permanent settlement in “Arizuma.” In 1686 the
Jesuit missionary, Fray Eusebio Francisco Kino, left the City
of Mexico and journeyed to the north, with the intention of
spreading the light of Christianity among the wild tribes of
Sinaloa and Sonora. Being joined by Padre Juan Maria
Salvatierra, the two pious friars pushed on to the country of
Sobahipuris and in the year 1687 the first mission within the
territory, now known as Arizona, was established at Guevavi,
some distance south of Tucson, The Mission of San Xavier
del Bac (“of the water”) was founded about the same time,
or not long after. The first mission building was a very pre-
tentious structure and it was nearly a hundred years later
before the present edifice was erected. The zealous propa-
gandists preached the gospel truths to the tribes living along
the Gila, many of whom ranged themselves beneath the banner
of the Cross. Fray Kino and another priest pushed their
apostolic peregrinations to the Gulf of California and cal-
culate/! the width of that desolate sea to be about fifty miles,
from shore to shore. In one of their visits to the Gila, they

ARIZONA— AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE **

tried, but unsuccessfully, to establish a mission near the ruins
of Casa Grande.

In 1720, or thirty-three years after the founding ot
Guevavi, there were nine missions, all in a prosperous con-
dition, within the present limits of the territory. The popu-
lation of those missions was almost entirely composed of
converts from the Pima tribe, who took the name of Papago
(“baptized”), and a few subjugated Apaches. The missions
were prosperous and the untiring labors of the pious Fathers
brought forth good fruit in the peaceful and industrious
Indian colonies which grew up about them. The neophytes
were taught the art of tillage and large bodies of land were
brought under cultivation. Sheep and cattle were introduced,
rich mines were opened and worked, comfortable houses were
erected and order and industry took place of savagery and
sloth. The mission colonies were on the high road to pros-
perity, were self-sustaining and doing good work, not only in
teaching the Indians the truths of Christianity but in devel-
oping the material resources of the country. But they were
subject to constant raids from the untamed Apache, and in
1751 an outbreak occurred among the Pimas, many of the
priests were killed and several of the missions destroyed.
After this insurrection, the vice-regal government established
the presidios of Tucson and Tubac and maintained therein
small garrisons for the protection of the neighboring missions.

In the year 1765, a royal decree was issued, at Madrid,
ordering the expulsion of the Jesuits from Spain and her
colonies. This was a severe blow to the missions in Arizuma,
and one from which they never recovered. The decree was
not carried into effect until 1767, when the last of the followers
of Loyola were driven from the scenes of their labors and
triumphs in Southern Arizona. In May, 1768, fourteen
Franciscan friars arrived in Tucson, from Mexico, to take the
place of the expelled Jesuits. On their arrival they found
the missions in a declining condition and subject to frequent
attacks from the savage Apache. Life and enterprise seem to
have fled with their founders and they maintained an uncertain
and constantly harassed existence until the breaking out of the

24 ABIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

war for Mexican Independence. Being deprived of the
fostering care and protection of the vice-regal government,
they rapidly declined and were finally abandoned by a decree
of the Mexican government in 1828. During the regime of
the mission fathers, many prospecting and exploring parties
penetrated Southern Arizona and a number of settlements
were established. Besides the presidios of Tucson and
Tubac, there were flourishing haciendas at San Bernardino,
Barbaeamori, San Pedro, Arivaca and Calabasas. These
settlements possessed large flocks of sheep and herds of cattle.
Mining was also prosecuted vigorously, especially at Arivaca
and Cababi. Some of the silver ores were reduced on the
ground by simple adobe furnaces, while the richest was
transported on the backs of mules to Sonora and Sinaloa.
Most of the valuable gold and silver ornaments of the mission
churches came from the mines which surrounded them, and at
Guavavi, the remains of sixteen arrastras could be dis-
tinctly traced, a few years ago. After the breaking up of the
missions these prosperous colonies were despoiled by the
savages and abandoned by those who escaped the tomahawk
and torch.

By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, in 1847, all that
portion of the territory north of the Gila River was ceded to
the United States. At that time there was not a single white
inhabitant in all that vast region stretching from the Gila
to the Utah boundary, and from the Colorado of the West
to the present line of New Mexico. Northern and Central
Arizona was an untrodden wild and the unconquered Apache
was lord of the mountain, river and plain. The few in-
habitants who eked out a precarious existence within the
miserable presidios of Tucson and Tubac were the only
inhabitants of the country, then called Pimeria Alta. In
1854, that portion of the present territory lying south of the
Gila was acquired from Mexico by the treaty negotiated by
James Gadsden, then minister to our sister republic. The
price paid for the purchase, embracing some forty thousand
square miles, was ten millions of dollars. A good deal of
ridicule was cast upon Mr. Gadsden for throwing such a sum

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

upon a “worthless desert ” and it was generally considered
that the Mexicans had decidedly the best of the bargain.
But although Minister Gadsden failed in achieving the main
object he had in mind — the securing of Guaymas and the
control of the gulf — yet, in view of the marvelous mineral
wealth contained in the territory acquired, it must be con-
sidered a cheap and valuable acquisition.

Subsequent to the ratification of the Gadsden treaty, the
territory wras attached to the County of Dona Ana, New
Mexico. In 1855 the country was formally turned over to
the United States by the Mexican authorities; American
troops took possession of Tucson and Tubac; the Mexican
colors were lowered, the stars and stripes hoisted in their
place and the authority of the Great Republic established
where Spaniard and Mexican held sway for more than two
hundred years.

After the acquisition of Southern Arizona, several expedi-
tions were sent out by the War Department to explore the
almost unknown territory of the southwest. The reports of
Lieutenants Whipple and Ives were the first valuable con-
tribution to our knowledge of Arizona. In 1854, Lieutenant
Williamson made a survey of the country north of the Gila,
with the object of discovering a route for a railroad from the
Atlantic to the Pacific. In the same year, Lieutenant Gray
surveyed the route from Marshall, Texas, to Tubac, and
from thence to Port Lobos, on the Gulf, and also to Fort
Yuma and San Diego. A year later, Lieutenant Beale made
numerous surveys throughout Northern Arizona. He followed
the line of the 35th parallel and opened a road from the Rio
Grande to Fort Tejon, in California, which for years was
known as the “Beale Route.” The Atlantic and Pacific
Railroad follows the line of the old road from the Rio Grande
to the Colorado.

On the last day of December, 1854, a memorial to Congress
was introduced in the Legislature of New Mexico, by the
representative from Dona Ana County, praying for the
organization of the territory into a separate political division.
The name first chosen was “Pimeria,” but the one afterwards

26 ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

adopted was “Arizona.” Authorities differ as to the origin
of the name. It is a corruption of “Arizuma,” first applied
to the country by the early Spanish explorers. Some main-
tain that the word is of Pima origin, and means “ Little Creek,”
while others hold that its derivation is from the two Pima
words “Ari,” a maiden, and “Zon,” a valley or country,
having reference to the traditionary maiden queen who once
ruled over all the Pima Nation.

Near the southern line of the territory, there was formerly
a pueblo attached to the Mission of Saric, half a league from
the mining town of Agua Caliente. This pueblo took its name
from the mountain near by, which was known as the Arizona
Mountain.” From this the name came to be applied to the
entire territory. The pueblo of “Arizona” was established
by Padres Kino and Salvatierra in 1600. It was destroyed by

the revolt of the Pimas in 1751.

The first attempt to secure a territorial government
proved a failure. But this did not deter energetic and enter-
prising men from pushing their way into Southern Arizona.
In August, 1856, an expedition, under the leadership of
Charles D. Poston, entered the territory from San Antonio,
Texas, for the purpose of working the rich silver mines said
to exist in the Santa Rita and Arivaca districts. About the
same time the government established two military posts in
the Gadsden Purchase, one at the head of the Sonoita, some
sixty miles east of Tucson, called Fort Buchanan, and the
other on the lower San Pedro, near the mouth of the Arivapai,
and known as Fort Breckcnridge. In August, 1858, the
Butterfield Stage route was established. This line extended
from Marshall, Texas, to San Diego, and carried mails and
passengers three times a week. During the next two years a
large amount of capital was invested in mining development;
and notwithstanding the enormous cost of supplies and
materials of all kinds, which had to be transported hundreds
of miles over wretched roads, the country made steady
progress. Companies organized in New Aork and Cincinnati
operated extensively in the Santa Rita, Patagonia, Cerro
Colorado and A jo districts. Tubac became the headquarters

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

for nearly all of these corporations and a live, energetic
population of 500 souls was gathered there in 1858-59-60.
A weekly newspaper was started, known as the Arizonan, the
pioneer journal of the territory. The great natural resources
of the country were becoming known and it seemed to have
entered on a high road to prosperit}', when the breaking out
of the Civil War brought to an abrupt ending Arizona’s
onward march on the highway of progress. The troops at
Forts Buchanan and Breckenridge received orders to evacuate
the territory, burn and destroy all government property they
could not carry away and fall back to the Rio Grande. The
two forts were reduced to ashes, together with large quan-
tities of government stores and the military abandoned the
country. About the same time the Butterfield mail line,
deprived of all protection against hostile savages, was stopped,
and the route changed further north.

Every enterprise came to a standstill, and every American
who could get away fled to California or Sonora. The Apache
marauders swept down from their mountain strongholds and
carried death and destruction throughout Southern Arizona.
Mines, ranches and stock ranges were abandoned and the
few whites left in the country took refuge within the walls of
Tucson. The savages indulged in a saturnalia of slaughter
and the last glimmer of civilization seemed about to be
quenched in blood. The Indians advanced to the outskirts
of the town, carrying death and devastation in their track.
They swept the scattered settlements, killing and destroying
everything in their path. The horribly mutilated bodies of
men, women and children marked nearly every mile of the
road to the Rio Grande. The blaze from many a comfortable
home lit up the midnight sky and the agonizing shrieks of the
victims, and the fiendish yells of the red demons, were the
sights and sounds throughout the Gadsden Purchase. This
frightful condition of things existed for nearly a year after the
withdrawal of the troops.

In February, 1862, Captain Hunter, with a company of
Texans, entered Tucson, and took possession of the territory,
in the name of the Confederate States. The majority of the

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

white population were in sympathy with the cause he rep-
resented. Some time before his arrival they held a meeting
and with all the solemnity which the occasion demanded, had
passed an ordinance proclaiming the secession of Arizona
from the Union. The Stars and Bars, however, did not long
continue to float over the Old Pueblo. Hunter held pos-
session of the place until May, when the advance of the
California Volunteers caused him to retreat to the Rio Grande.
With the advent of the California troops, and the feeling of
security which their presence inspired, the country began
slowly to awaken from the horrible nightmare which had
crushed out every vestige of peaceful industry. The discovery
of rich gold diggings on the Colorado, at Weaver Iliil, and on
the Hassayampa, gave a fresh impetus to immigration and
business of every kind began to revive. The people had long
clamored for a territorial government. A bill looking to
that end was introduced in the Congress of 1857, but failed
to pass. Again, in 1860, the people made an effort in the
same direction, and Sylvester Mowry was elected to proceed
to Washington and urge upon the National Legislature the
necessity for such a measure.

Another bill was introduced but political jealousies defeated
the effort and the breaking out of the Great Rebellion in-
definitely postponed the matter. Arizona remained attached
to New Mexico until the 24th day of February, 1863, when
the bill giving it a separate political existence received the
President’s signature. The civil officers appointed to conduct
the affairs of the new territory entered upon their duties at
Navajo Springs the 29th day of December, 1863. The national
colors were given to the breeze, a salute was fired, an address
delivered, and the territorial government formally inaug-
urated. The seat of government was first established at Fort
Whipple, which had been built by order of General Carleton,
for the protection of the miners then working the rich placers
of the Sierra Prietta. It was afterwards removed to Prescott,
where it remained until 1867, when it was removed to Tucson.
Ten years later it was again changed to Prescott. (In 1889
the territorial capital was located at Phoenix and on February

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

24th, 1901, the present state capitol building was dedicated to
the purpose of housing the territorial government. After the
territory had been admitted as a state an addition was built
to the capitol. All available space in this enlarged building
is now occupied and more room is urgently needed, as a
number of state officials are now domiciled outside the
capitol building. — Geo. H. Kelly, State Historian).

On the 9th day of April, 1864, the newly appointed
governor, John N. Goodwin, issued a proclamation dividing
the newly organized territory into three judicial districts.
On the 26th day of May, 1864, he issued a supplementary
paper establishing election precincts in the several districts
and authorizing the holding of the first election in the territory
for delegate to congress and members of the legislature. The
first legislative assembly convened in Prescott on the 26th
day of September, 1864. Most of these pioneer law-makers
have long since “ crossed over the divide.” Of the twenty-
seven members w’ho composed the first legislature but four
are left in the territory: Robert W. Groom, Edw. D. Tuttle,
Henry A. Bigelow and Jesus M. Elias. At this first session
the territory was divided into four counties, namely, Pima,
Yuma, Yavapai and Mohave.

From 1864 to 1874 the history of Arizona is written in
blood. Isolated from the world, and with the most imperfect
and irregular means of communication, population increased
slowly; the few who had the hardihood to run the risk of the
tomahawk and the scalping-knife wTere attracted by the rich
mineral discoveries in Northern Arizona and that portion of
the territory received the larger portion of the immigration.
The government established military posts at different points
for the protection of the scattered settlements but the Apache
stubbornly resisted the advance of the whites. Many an
adventurous pioneer fell a victim to savage treachery and
left his bones to bleach on the desert plain or bleak mountain
side. In the ten years from 1864 to 1874 it is estimated that
not less than ^ne thousand victims of savage atrocity found
bloody graves in Arizona.

But steadily the red man yielded to his destiny. The

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

gaps in the ranks of the pioneers were rapidly filled and the
tales of the marvelous mineral wealth of this region drew
hither a large contingent of that army of restless adventurers
ever on the wing for fresh fields. For such men Apache
ferocity had no terrors, if there was a chance of unearthing
some mineral treasure in the wilds of the southwest. Settle-
ments took root around the several posts; towns and camps
sprung into existence in different parts of the territory; the
fertile° valleys and rich bottom lands were brought under
cultivation ; herds of cattle were brought into the country and
foot by foot the dauntless pioneers won this rich domain from
the fiends whose presence so ^ung w^d curbed it.

The rich mines were the lodestones which drew population
hither. The discovery of the Bradshaw mines, south of
Prescott, in 1870, attracted a large number of people to that
region. In 1874 and 1875, the remarkably rich silver deposits
of Globe district drew thousands from all parts of the Pacific
Coast and the discovery of the Silver King about the same

time attracted the attention of the mining world to the
wonderful wealth hidden in the mountains of Arizona. Before
these discoveries were made, General Crook had brought to

terms the hitherto unconquercd Apache, and after centuries
of murder, rapine and robbery, he was placed on reservations
in the latter part of 1873. Before that, the hardy settler
followed his calling under difficulties that would have dis-
heartened most men. He tilled the soil with his trusty rifle

strapped to the plow and his ready six-shooter belted about
him. If a miner, his “ pard, ” armed to the teeth, took position
on some commanding eminence above the claim and kept a
bright lookout for the sneaking foe. If a stock owner, he had
to maintain an armed guard day and night around his herd,
and even then the least negligence on his part would often
cause the loss of every hoof.

The intrepidity, daring and self-sacrifice of the heroic
band who, during those terrible years of savage warfare held
this outpost of civilization, are worthy to be embalmed in the
pages of Arizona s history and handed down- for the emulation
of those who possess the land which their valor so gallantly

ARIZONA — AN HISTORICAL OUTLINE

won. Rough, perhaps, were they in manner and rude of
speech, but they had those sterling virtues which flourish
best on the border and which ennoble our common humanity.
For those that are gone, peace to their ashes, and forever
green be the memory of their dauntless deeds in the hearts of
their countrymen*

In 1878, the Southern Pacific Railroad entered the ter-
ritory. The laying of the iron rails marks the brightest epoch
in Arizona’s history. Before the advance of the locomotive,
the barriers of isolation were removed and the last vestiges
of savagery swept aside. Arizona was wedded t6 the realms
of civilization and her matchless resources were made known
to the world. Population rapidly increased; towns and
settlements sprung up along the line of the road; new life
was infused into every branch of industry; property values
more than doubled and the country entered on an era of
prosperity it had never before known.

The discovery of the rich mineral deposits in the Tomb-
stone district, some time before, firmly established the
reputation of the territory abroad as a mining region second
to no other on the globe. Thousands rushed to the new
finds and soon a city of 6,000 inhabitants rose where but a
few years before the Apache roamed at will. The amount of
treasure which these mines have already added to the world’s
wealth has made Tombstone the foremost mining camp on
the Pacific Coast.

Early in 1883, the Atlantic and Pacific Railway was
completed across Northern Arizona to the Colorado River
and another transcontinental line bound the territory with
iron bands to the outside world. The prosperity enjoyed by
the southern portion of the territory was soon duplicated in
the north. Mining, farming, stock-raising and every indus-
trial pursuit has felt the beneficial efforts of cheap and rapid
communication; population has more than doubled; the
country’s hidden resources are being brought to light; capital
is seeking investment; wealth is increasing and Northern
Arizona has entered upon a career of development and
material progress which promises to be lasting. This is the

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

condition of Arizona today-1884. The long night of weary
waiting is over at last and the sun of a brighter day is bathing
hill mountain, valley and plain with the beams of peace and
prosperity; savagery has fled before its dazzling light and
isolation has vanished with the darkness which gave it birth.

In this brief sketch the reader has the principal events m
the history of Arizona, from its discovery up to the present
time, a period of more than 340 years— the expeditions and
explorations of the early Spaniards; the pious labors of the
mission fathers and their efforts for Christianity and civiliza-
tion; the advent of the Americans; the years of warfare with
the Apaches; the subjugation of the savages and the opening
of railroads. It is a history with many a dark and bloody
page and only here and there a bright one. But the future is
brilliant with assurances that will more than make amends
for the past. Arizona is no longer an unknown region, savage-
infested and difficult to reach. She stands on the highway of
nations and the fiery annihilator of time and space has
heralded throughout the land the richness of her mines, the
fertility of her soil, the salubrity of her climate and the
grand opportunities which she offers to the immigrant and
capitalist.

One of the first discovered regions of the western world,
it is only within the past few years that its grand resources
and almost unlimited possibilities have become known and
understood. It has entered on the full tide of prosperity, and
throughout the Union eager eyes are casting longing looks
towards the land of sunshine and silver.

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

Establishing U. S. Authority

The territory now included in the State of Arizona, south
of the Gila River, was acquired by the United States as a
result of the Gadsden Treaty, which was concluded with
Mexico in 1853 and approved in 1854. That portion of
Arizona lying north of the Gila River was acquired by the
United States as a result of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
in 1848. Previous to that time the Mexicans in Sonora had
maintained a precarious possession of Tucson and a few other
settlements in the Santa Cruz Valley. These possessions
were frequently preyed upon by the Apache Indians against
whom Mexican soldiers afforded little protection to the lives
or property of the inhabitants. The Papago Indians, however,
were more successful in repelling these Indians. A census
report of September, 1848, gave to Tucson 760 inhabitants
and Tubac was credited with a population of 249. In Ban-
croft's history the following appears: “In the meager and

fragmentary record of Mexican annals down to 1854, 1 find
only an occasional complaint of impending ruin as in earlier
times with appeals for aid, mention of a few Apache depre-
dations and campaigns and the names of a few officials but
nothing from which to form anything like a continuous
narrative, or to form any definite idea of the general condi-
tion of affairs. ”

In 1846 the first effort was made to plant the American
flag and authority in the territory embraced now in New
Mexico, which at that time was bordered on the south by the
Gila River. The territory, in wrhat is Arizona south of the
Gila River, did not come into the United States until the
approval of the Gadsden Treaty, in 1854.

The military command of Colonel Kearney, designed for
the conquest of New Mexico and the countries beyond, in-
cluding California, consisted of two batteries of artillery
(6-pounders), under the command of Major Clark; three

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

squadrons of the first dragoons, under Major Sumner; the
first regiment of Missouri cavalry, under Colonel Doniphan
and two companies of infantry under Captain Agney. This
force was detached in different columns from Fort Leaven-
worth and was concentrated with admirable order and pre-
cision on the first day of August at a camp nine miles below
Bent’s Fort.

On August 2, 1846, the command of Colonel Kearney was
joined by Lieut. W. H. Emory, topographical engineer of the
United States Army, in compliance with an army order,
issued on June 5, 1846, directing him, with Lieuts. Warner,
Albert and Peck, as assistants, to join Colonel Kearney, first
dragoons at Fort Leavenworth, as field and topographical
engineers of his command. Colonel Kearney had left Fort
Leavenworth before the arrival of Lieutenant Emory, who
followed and joined the “Army of the West” at Bent’s Fort
on August 2, 1846.

From Bent’s Fort the expedition proceeded towards Santa
Fe, then occupied by Mexican civil and military forces under
the command of Governor Armijo. On August 7, the Kearney
force was ascending the Raton Mountains, which at the point
of passage was 7,500 feet high. On August 12, six or eight
Mexicans were captured and on their persons were found the
proclamation of the Prefect of Taos, based on one of Gov-
ernor Armijo, calling the citizens to arms for the purpose of
repelling the “Americans who were coming to invade their
soil and destroy their property and liberties. ” Other Mexicans
were captured on the following days, who claimed to have been
sent out to ascertain what constituted the force of Colonel
Kearney. These were all held. On the 13th, at the ranch
home of a Mr. Bonney, an American, who owned considerable
numbers of horses and cattle, a Mr. Spry came into camp, on
foot and wearing very little clothing. He had escaped from
Santa Fe during the previous night and came to inform
Colonel Kearney that Armijo’s forces were assembling; that
he might expect vigorous resistance and advised that a certain
canyon be avoided because of its being fortified. But little
attention was given to these stories and warnings, as no doubt

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

Colonel Kearney felt that he had sufficient force to overcome
anyone who undertook to oppose him. On August 14, a
messenger arrived bearing a letter from Governor Armijo,
which on being interpreted read something like this: “You
have notified me that you intend to take possession of the
country I govern. The people of the country have risen, en
masse, in my defense. If you take the country, it will be
because you prove the strongest in battle.” Colonel Kearney
replied to the messenger in the following words: “The road
to Santa Fe is now as free to you as to myself. Say to General
Armijo I shall soon meet him and I hope it will be as friends.”
On the same day the American force reached Vegas, a typical
adobe one-story town. Here Colonel Kearney, with the town
prefect and some of his officers, climbed a ladder to the top
of a building facing the plaza, and through an interpreter,
spoke to the populace, numbering several hundred, telling them
that he had been sent by authority of the United States to
take charge of the country and establish a government; that
he and his army came as friends and not to molest anyone or
interfere with their religion or mode of living. He assured that
all who would take the oath of allegiance to the United States
would be continued in their local offices. The people seemed
dazed, but agreement to become subjects of the new govern-
ment was reached and soon afterwards Colonel Kearney pro-
ceeded with his force towards Santa Fe, in no way disturbed
by the prospects for a battle. As they neared Pecos, they
saw a column of Mexicans in full retreat. As the advance
column entered the towm of Pecos a large, fat fellow, mounted
on a mule, came at full speed and extending his hand to the
Colonel expressed great satisfaction at his arrival, saying
with a roar of laughter, “Armijo and his troops have gone
to hell.”

Santa Fe was entered on August IS and the American flag
was hoisted without the firing of a gun; Armijo and his army,
much superior in size to that of the American force, wras far
down the Rio Grande in swift retreat. Here a fort wras
located on the hill back of the towm; officials were installed,
with Colonel Doniphan in supreme command of both civil

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

and military authority, until he should be relieved by Col.
Price’s regiment.

On September 15, general orders were issued at Santa Fe
designating the force to march on California. It consisted of
three hundred United States First Dragoons, under Major
Sumner, who were to be followed by the battalion of Mor-
mons, five hundred in number, commanded by Captain
Cooke. On September 25, this force made the start for
California. The route was down the Rio Grande to what
was known as the Copper mines, located between Deming
and Mesilla, where they arrived on October 18. The topo-
graphical engineer described these copper mines in the
following : “ The mines are said to be very rich, both in copper
and gold and the specimens obtained sustain this assertion.
We learned that those who worked them made their fortunes,
but the Apaches did not like their proximity and one day
turned out and destroyed the mining town, driving off the
inhabitants. There are the remains of some twenty or thirty
adobe houses and ten or fifteen shafts sinking into the earth.
Many veins of copper were found, but the principal ore is
the sulphuret. Mr. McKnight, one of the earliest adventurers
in New Mexico, was the principal operator of these mines
and is said to have amassed an immense fortune. On his
arrival in the country he was suspected to be an agent of the
United States and thrown into prison in Sonora, where he
was kept in irons for twelve years.”

From the copper mines the route of the Kearney force
was west to the Gila River and down that stream to where it
empties into the Colorado at the present city of Yuma. The
topographical engineer thus describes the Gila River, where it
was struck above the present Clifton-Morenci district. ‘‘Some
hundred yards before reaching the Gila the roar of its waters
made us understand that we were to see something different
from the Rio Grande. Its section where we struck it, 4,347
feet above the sea, was fifty feet wide and an average of
two feet deep. Clear and swift it came bounding from the
great mountains, which appeared to the north about sixty
miles distant. We crossed the river, its large, round pebbles

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

and swift current causing the mules to tread warily. We
heard the fish playing in the water and soon those who were
disengaged were after them. At first it was supposed they
were the mountain trout, but being comparatively fresh
from the hills of Maine I soon saw the difference. The shape
general appearance and the color are the same; at a little
distance, you will imagine the fish covered with delicate
scales but on closer examination you find that thej are on y
the impression of scales. The meat is soft, something between
the trout and catfish, but more like the latter. They are in

gre OnOUctobere22, camp of the California-bound army was
made on a bluff high above the river, in view m a rock -
was named from its general appearance, Steeple Ro<*-
The next day and on succeeding days, ruins o pr
towns or settlements were encountered evidently those of
Pueblo Viejo, where Solomonville was afterwards located o
the Gila River, some twenty miles below where the river
emerges from the box canyon, between Solomonville and
Guthrie. On October 26, the expedition reached the mouth
of the San Carlos River.

Writing under date of October 31, Lieutenant Emory
says- “Today we were doomed to another sad disappom -
ment. Reaching the San Francisco about noon, we unsadd ed
to refresh our horses and allow time to look up a md by which
we could pass the formidable range of mountains throu„
which the Gila cuts its way, making a deep canyon ^passable
for the howitzers. A yell from the mountam announced the
presence of three well mounted Indians and Pe^so“s "er®
sent out to bring them in. Our mules were now fast fading
and the road before us was unknown. These Indians, J
willing, could supply us with mules and show us the road.
Our anxiety to see the result of the interview was, conse-
quently, very great. It was amusing and at the same time
very provoking. They would allow but one of our part> to
approach. Long was the talk by signs and gesture^
length they consented to come into camp and moved forward
about one hundred yards, when a new apprehension seemed

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

to seize them and they stopped. They said, as well as we
understood, that the two old men we had met the day before
had informed their chief of our presence and of our desire to
obtain mules; that he was on his way with some and had
sent them ahead to sound a parley. They were better looking
and infinitely better conditioned than the Indians we had
met the day before, resembling strongly the Apaches of the
copper mines, and like them decked in the plundered garb of
Mexicans. The day passed but no Indians came; treacherous
themselves they expected treachery in others. At everlasting
war with the rest of mankind they kill at sight all who fall
within their powrer. The conduct of the Mexicans to them is
equally bad, for they decoy and kill the Apache wherever
they can.

The former governor of Sonora employed a bold and
intrepid Irishman, named Kirker, to hunt the Apaches.
He had in his employment whites and Delaware Indians and
was allowed, besides a per diem, S100 per scalp, and $25 for
a prisoner. A story is also told of one Johnson, an English-
man, an Apache trader, who, allured by the reward, induced
a number of these people to come to his camp and placed a
barrel of flour for them to help themselves; when the crowd
was thickest of men, women and children, he fired a six-
pounder amongst them from a concealed place and killed
great numbers.’ *

On November 7, the expedition was camped where old
Camp Grant was afterwards located, three miles above where
the San Pedro River empties into the Gila. Here three
Indians came to camp. They feasted heartily and promised
to bring in mules, but the promise was all. No mules showed
up. At the mouth of the San Pedro flights of geese and
myriads of blue quail were encountered and numerous turkeys.
Much Indian or prehistoric pottery was found here and
further up a dry canyon were the supposed remains of a large
Indian settlement. On November 10, the “Army of the West”
began to encounter the friendly Pima Indians and on that date
some of the command came to the Casa Grande Ruins, des-
cribed by Lieut. Emory in the following:

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

“About the time of the noon halt, a large pile, which
seemed the work of human hands, was seen to the left. It was
the remains of a three-story mud house sixty feet square,
pierced for doors and windows. The walls were four feet
thick and formed by layers of mud, two feet thick. An
elaborate sketch was made of every part of this ruin, for it
was no doubt built by the same race that had once so thickly
peopled this territory. We made a long and careful search for
some specimens of household furniture or implement of art,
but nothing was found except the corngrinder, always met
with among the ruins and on the plains. The marine shell, cut
into various ornaments was also found here, which showed
that these people either came from the sea coast or trafficked
there. No traces of hewn timber were discovered; on the
contrary, the sleepers of the ground floor were round and
unhewn. They were burnt out of their seats in the wall to the
depth of six inches. The whole interior of the house had been
burnt out and the walls much defaced. What was left bore
marks of having been glazed and on the wall of the north
room of the second story were traced some hieroglyphics.

Lieutenant Emory gave an interesting report on the
friendly Pima Indians encountered" at the villages of this

tribe near the ruin. He said :

When we encamped, eight or nine miles from the Pima
villages, we met a Maricopa Indian looking for his cattle.
The frank, confident manner in which he approached us was
in strange contrast with that of the suspicious Apache. Soon
six or eight of the Pimas came in at full speed. Their object
was to ascertain who we were and what we wanted. They
told us the fresh trail we saw up the river was that of their
people sent to watch the movements of their enemies, the
Apaches. Being young they became much alarmed on seeing
us and returned to the town, giving the alarm that a large
body of Apaches were approaching.

“Their joy was unaffected at seeing we were Americans
and not Apaches. The chief of the guard at once dispatched
news to his chief of the result of his reconnoissance. The
town was nine miles distant, yet in three hours our camp

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

was filled with Pimas loaded with corn, beans, honey, and
zandias (watermelons). A brisk trade was at once opened.

“The camp of my party was pitched on the side nearest
the town and we saw the first of these people and their mode
of approach. It was perfectly frank and unsuspicious. Many
would leave their packs in our camp and be absent for hours,
theft seeming to be unknown to them. With a mounted
guard, which first visited us, was a man on foot, and he
appeared to keep pace with the fleetest horses. He was a
little out of breath when he reached us, but soon recovering,
told us that he was the interpreter to Juan Antonio Llunas,
chief of the Pimas.

“We were taking some refreshments at the time and
invited him to taste of them. The effect was electric; it made
his bright, intelligent eyes flash and loosened his tonguQ. I
asked him, among other things, the origin of the ruins of
which we had seen so man}’; he said all he knew was a tradi-
tion among them, that in bygone days a woman, of surpassing
beauty, resided in a green spot in the mountains near the
place where we were encamped. All the men admired and
paid court to her. She received the tributes of their devotion,
grain, skins, etc., but gaVe no love or other favor in return.
Her virtue and her determination to remain unmarried were
equally firm. There came a drought which threatened the
world with famine. In their distress people applied to her
and she gave corn from her stock and the supply seemed to
be endless. Her goodness was unbounded. One day, as she
was lying asleep with her body exposed, a drop of rain fell
on her stomach, which produced conception. A son was the
issue, who was the founder of a new race which was the
builder of all these houses. ” Later I asked this loquacious
interpreter if he believed the fable he had told about the old
building ruins. “No,” he said, “but most of the Pimas do.”
We know, in truth, nothing of their origin. It is all enveloped
in mystery. ”

Lieutenant Emory, speaking further of the Pima Indians,
says; “ We were at once impressed with the beauty, order
and disposition of the arrangements for irrigating and draining

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

the land. Corn, wheat and cotton are the crops of this peace-
ful and intelligent race of people. All the crops have been
gathered in and the stubbles show that they have been
luxuriant. The cotton has been picked and stacked, for
drying, on the tops of sheds. The fields are subdivided, by
ridges of earth, into rectangles of about 200 to 100 feet for the
convenience of irrigating. The fences are of sticks, wattled
with willow and mesquite, and, in this particular, set an ex-
ample of economy in agriculture worthy to be followed by
the Mexicans, who never use fences at all.”

General Kearney, before leaving for his continued march
west, gave a letter to Governor Llunas, stating he was a good
man and directing all U. S. troops that might pass in his rear
to respect his excellency, his people and their property.

Fifteen miles west of the Pima villages, the Kearney force
entered the territory of the Maricopa Indians. Speaking of
the Maricopas, Lieutenant Emory says: “This peaceful and
industrious race are in possession of a beautiful and fertile
basin. Living remote from the civilized world, they are
seldom visited by whites and then only by those in distress,
to whom they generously furnish horses and food. Aguardiente
(brandy) is known among their chief men only, and the abuse
of this, with the vices which it entails, are yet unknown.
They are without other religion than a belief in one great and
overruling spirit. Their peaceful disposition is not the result
of incapacity for war, for they are at all times able to meet
and vanquish the Apaches in battle. All that has been said
of the Pimas is applicable to them.

An incident which occurred on November 22 when the
“Army of the West” was above Yuma in the Gila Valley:
As the straggling column was moving slowly down the sandy
river bottom it came suddenly on an abandoned camp, es-
timated to have been occupied by no less than one thousand
mounted men, who must have left that morning. General
Kearney decided that his force of 105 men was entirely too
small to be attacked and must be the aggressors in any engage-
ment that might occur. He believed the camp had been occu-
pied by General Castro, who was enroute to California with

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

an army recruited in Sonora. The general decided that it
was necessary for him to learn the identity of the force who
had occupied the abandoned camp. He ordered Lieutenant,
Emory to take a party of fifteen dragoons for the purpose of
reconnoitering. When the reconnoitering party overtook
the supposed enemy it was found not to be Mexican soldiers
but a party of Mexicans with 500 horses from California, on
their way to Sonora. Lieutenant Emory took four of the
party, in charge of the horses, to the General. The men being
examined separately and each gave a different account of the
ownership and destination of the horses. The Chief of the
party represented himself to be a poor employe of several
rich men engaged in supplying the Sonora market with horses.
It was subsequently learned that this man was no less a per-
sonage then Jose Maria Leguna, a colonel in the Mexican
service.

On December 24 General Kearney made camp one and a
half miles from the Junction of the Colorado and Gila Rivers,
from whence a scouting party visited the junction of the two
rivers and returning to camp they encountered a Mexican,
well mounted and muffled in his blanket. He carried a bottle
in each of his holsters and on the croup of his saddle was a
fresh made sack, with other evidences of preparation for a
journey. He was taken to General Kearney who searched
him and in his wallet was found the mail for California which
was opened. Among the letters was one addressed to General
Jose Castro, at Alta, one to Antonio Castro and others to
men of note in Sonora. All the letters, suspected of relating
to public officers were read, they containing many expressions
of exultation over a counter revolution in California which
had overthrown “the detestable Anglo Yankee Yoke,” and
congratulating themselves that the tri-color once more
floated over California.

Lieutenant Emory tells of the Colorado river being forded
on November 24th where the stream was fifteen hundred
feet wide. Here the “Army of the West” is left on California
soil. General Kearney w’as compelled to fight his way through
the mountains and lost a considerable number of his men,

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

killed and wounded, until finally a force of United States
Marines came out and met him, escorting him and his tired
command into San Diego, California.

Following Kearney but taking a more southern route,
that a way might be found for wagons, came Lieutenant-
Colonel Cooke with the Mormon Battalion. As we are told by
Bancroft’s history, Lieutenant Cooke and his force arrived on
December 2 at the Rancho of San Bernardino near the south-
eastern comer of what later became Arizona. Cooke’s route
from this point to its intersection with Kearney’s, at the
Pima villages, was an entirely new one to all except an
occasional trapper, Indians and Mexicans: was vrest to the
Rio San Pedro, dowm that river northward some fifty miles,
then across to Tucson by the line of the later Southern Pacific
railroad, and northwestward, still not far from the railroad
route, to the Gila. The march of the Mormons, by reason of
their duty of opening a wagon road and their character as
infantry, was much more difficult than that of the dragoons,
but they were under a special divine protection, presumably
not accorded to the less saintly branch of the service. The
only active foe encountered by this force was a herd of bulls
which they encountered on the San Pedro, with which they
had a battle on the eleventh of December, several men being
wounded, one of them Lieutenant George Stoneman, who
later became Governor of the State of California. Six days
later the army camped at Tucson. Captain Comaduran had
sent a request to the Americans not to pass through the town,
as he had orders to -prevent it; and Cooke had in turn proposed
the turning over of a fewr arms as a token of surrender, binding
them not to fight during the war. This was declined and the
commandant with his garrison abandoned the presidio, as
did most of the inhabitants. Accordingly, Cooke left a
friendly letter for Governor Gandara, reminding him of
Sonora’s wrongs at the hands of Mexico and the Indians,
suggesting that “the unity of Sonora with the States of the
North, now her neighbors, is necessary effectually to subdue
these Parthian Apaches;” then he marched on, reaching the
Gila on the twenty-first and the Colorado on January 9, 1847.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

The wagon road thus opened was not only utilized by the
California emigrants in the following years, but as a possible
railroad route it was a potent element in promoting the
later purchase by the United States of the Arizona territory
now south of the Gila River.

During the Mexican War, says Bancroft again, there were
no other explorations or marches across Arizona, but in 1848,
after the treaty of peace, a battalion of Dragoons, under
Major Lawrence P. Graham, marched from Chihuahua to
California. Coming from Janos their party reached San
Bernardino the fourth of October, but instead of following
Cooke’s trail, Graham kept on south of the line to Santa
Cruz presidio and thence followed the river down to Tucson.
The Gila was reached at the end of the month and the Colorado
on the twenty-second of November. The Americans were
delighted, as had been those under Kearney and Cooke, with
the hospitality of the Gila Pimas; the thrift displayed at
their villages exceeding anything elsewhere seen in the trans-
continental journey. We are told that owing to the drunken-
ness and consequent incompetence of the leader, this party
endured greater hardships than either of the preceding.
No narrative of this march has ever been published.

Lieutenant Colonel Cooke in his official report to Brigadier
General S. W. Kearney on February 5, 1847, gives in detail
his march through Arizona, or rather the country now in-
cluded within the borders of Arizona of today. From this
official report the following, covering the distance from San
Bernardino to the Colorado river is extracted, comprising a
very interesting story of the incidents and hardships encount-
ered by the Mormon Battalion.

“San Bernardino is a ruined ranch, with buildings en-
closed by a wall, with regular bastions. It overlooks a wide,
flat and rich valley, watered by a noble spring, which runs
into one of the upper branches of the Yaqui river, which is
but a few miles distant. Here I succeeded in meeting a few
of the Apaches, and obtained a guide, who went about twenty
miles, and described the rest of the route to the San Pedro.
He was afraid to venture further, and return alone over the

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

plain; the point where he turned back was within fourteen
miles'of the presidio of Fronteras. It was in the mountain
pass that we first saw the wild bulls, from which the command
obtained their exclusive supply of meat for about two weeks.
They are the increase from those abandoned, when the two
ranches of San Bernardino and San Pedro (on the river of
the same name) were broken up, in consequence of incessant
Indian attacks. They have spread and increased, so as to
cover the country; they were as wild and more dangerous
than buffalo.

“I made the next sixty-two miles, to the San Pedro river,
with little more difficulty than cutting my way through dense
thickets of mesquite and many other varieties of bushes, ail
excessively thorny. It was but twenty-seven miles without
water over the last divide; there was snow one day, and for
about two weeks, at that time, we suffered with cold. I
descended the San Pedro fifty-five miles, to a point whence a
trail goes to Tucson. The guides represented that it was
eighty-five miles of very difficult, if practicable, ground to
the mouth of the San Pedro, and one hundred from there to
the Pimas; also, very bad, and little or no grass; and, on the
other hand, that it was only about ninety miles of a good road,
with grass, by Tucson to the same point. I reflected that I
was in no condition to go an unnecessary hundred miles, good
or bad; and that, if their statements were true, the future
road must go by the town. I had previously sent Leroux,
Foster and others to examine if there was water on the thirty
miles, which was the estimated distance to Tucson. Leroux
had just returned; he had found water at a “still-house,
twenty miles from the river; and had encountered there a
sergeant’s party of dragoons. He had made up a story to
get off; but, to give it color, Dr. Foster fancied it necessary
to go on to the town. Leroux was told, by Indians, that two
hundred soldiers, with artillery, had been there concentrated.
I reached the water next day, and probably surprised the
sergeant’s party. I found them cutting grass; but the ser-
geant, as if the bearer of a flag, delivered me a singular message
from the commander, which amounted to a request that I

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

should not pass his post. Next morning, I made prisoners of
four others, who had come, probably, with provisions, and as
Dr. Foster’s long stay had made me uneasy for him, I dis-
missed one of them with a note, stating that I should hold the
others as hostages for his safety; and promised to release the
prisoners if he was sent to me that evening. Deceived as to
the distance, but expecting to encamp without water, I
marched late and, having made twelve miles on a road very
difficult in places, I encamped at sundown, on the high
prairie. At midnight, Foster reached me; with him came
two officers; one as a “Commissioner,” with written instruc-
tions to offer a kind of truce, by the terms of which I was to
pass the town by a certain point, and to hold no communica-
tion with the people. I rejected them and demanded a
capitulation, which the commissioner, with great form,
wrote, after his own fashion, in Spanish, and I signed it.
The terms bound the garrison not to serve against the United
States during the present war and, as the only further tokens
of surrender, to deliver to me two carbines and three lances;
my men to enter freely and trade with the inhabitants of the
town. After a tedious conference of two hours, in which we
had been very friendly, but very cold, the officers departed,
assuring me mv terms could not be accepted. Believing I
was eight or nine miles from town, I took measures to march
at daylight, but unfortunately, the mules being herded in
mesquite bushes, and without water, the half of them, in
the darkness of night, escaped the guard, and I could not
possibly march, with any prudence, before 8 o’clock.

“The distance proved to be sixteen miles. About five
miles from town I was met by a dragoon, or lancer, who
delivered me a letter, simply refusing my terms. I told him
there was no answer, and he rode off. I then ordered the arms
to be loaded. Immediately afterward, two citizens rode up
and reported that the place had been evacuated. I arrived
at 1 o’clock, and having passed through the fort, encamped
on the edge of the town. Two small field pieces had been
taken off, and all public property of value, except a large store
of wheat.

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

“The garrisons of Tubac, Santa Cruz and Fronteras had
been concentrated, and, I understood from Dr. Foster, there
were altogether about 230 men; but I have lately learned that
he only estimated them at 130. I remained in camp the next
day, December 16. There was very little grass, and I fed my
mules, cattle and sheep, on the wheat, (and brought off enough
for two more days, in the adjoining desert.) That day, to
cover some small parties of mule hunters, I made a recon-
noissance, with about sixty men, marching half way to an
Indian village, ten miles off, where the enemy were stationed.

(I intended attacking him under favorable circumstances,
but the path led me through a dense mesquite forest, very
favorable to an ambush. I learned, however, that this
demonstration caused him to continue his retreat.)

“The garrison attempted to force all the inhabitants to
leave the town with them. Some of them returned whilst
I lay there, and I took pains that all should be treated with
kindness. The day I arrived there; a detachment of twenty-
five men, wTho had been posted at the Pimas, to observe or
harass my march, having been sent for by express, passed
unobserved round a mountain, near town, and joined the
main body. (I afterward learned that they had made a
threatening demand for the mules and goods left for me with
the Indian chief. He refused, and expressed his determination
to resist, by force, any attempt to take them.) On leaving
T., I sent to its late commander, Captain Commaduran, by a
citizen messenger, a letter for the governor of Sonora, (and I
afterward received an answer that it would be transmitted.)
It is appended. All things considered, I thought it a proper
course to take toward a reputed popular governor of a
State, believed to be disgusted and disaffected to the im-
becile central government. It was intimated to me, whilst
in Tucson, that if I would march toward the capital of the
department, I would be joined by sufficient numbers to effect
a revolution.

“On the 17th, I marched late, as I did not expect to find
water. At 8 o’clock, p. m., I encamped 24 miles from Tucson,
with no water or grass. Ten or fifteen miles farther there is

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

a little water in a mountain, close to the road, but it could not
be found; and I marched, the second day, thirty miles, and, at 9,
p. m., again encamped, without water, but the men, about sun-
down, had a drink from a small puddle, too shallow for the
water to be dipped with a cup. On the third day, I marched,
early, eight or nine miles, and encamped at rain water pools.
The next day, I found it ten miles to the Gila, at a small
grass bottom, above the Pima villages. The mules were
forty-eight hours without water; the men marched twenty-
six of thirty-six consecutive hours, and sixty-two miles in
rather more than two days, (in one of which no- meat ration
was issued.)

'‘Thus the ninety miles of the guides turned out to be
128 to the village; 57 miles nearer than the reputed distance
by the San Pedro. Excepting four or five miles, the road was
excellent; but over a true desert. There is, however, a better
watered road from Tucson, which strikes the Gila higher up.
I believe this route can be well taken for six months in the
year; and, that like much of the road of this side, it is impass-
able in summer, unless for travelers. It is a great gold
district; rich mines have been discovered in many of the
mountains in view; but it is so barren and destitute of water
that even a mining population can scarcely occupy it.

“I halted one day near the villages of this friendly, guile-
less and singularly innocent and cheerful people, the Pimas.
There Francisco met me with your letter from Warner’s
ranch; he brought with him seven mules found on the Gila;
and, altogether, I obtained, at the villages, twenty, which
had belonged to the dragoons. They were not sufficiently
recruited to be of much service. I traded the Indian goods,
and every spare article, for corn. After feeding it several
days, I brought away twelve quarts for each public animal,
which was fed in very small quantities.

“With the aid of a compass, and closely estimating the
distances, I have made a rude sketch of my route from the
point on the Rio Grande, where our roads diverged, to their
junction, near the villages. It is herewith submitted. I have
good reason to believe that, even with pack mules, better time

••

COMING OF THE KEARNEY EXPEDITION

can be made on my route than yours, and the mules kept in
good order, for mine improved on the greater part of it. On
the 27th of December, (after making the forced march, without
water, across the bend of the Gila) in consequence of the
information received in }rour letter, I determined to send my
useless guides express, to give you information of my
approach, &c; hoping thus, as I said, to meet orders at
Warner’s ranch on the 21st of January, and to be of service
to your active operations. I also sent for assistance in mules,
understanding that you had placed a number of them in that
vicinity.

“Six tv or seventy miles above the mouth of the Gila,
having more wagons than necessary, and scarcely able to get
them on, I tried the experiment, with very flattering assurances
of success, of boating with two pontoon wagon beds, and a raft
for the running gear. I embarked a portion of the rations,
some road tools, and corn. The experiment signally failed,
owing to the shallowness of the water on the bars; the river
was very low. In consequence of the difficulty of approaching
the river, orders mistaken, &c., the flour only was saved from
the loading, and the pontoons were floated empty to the cross-
ing of the Rio Colorado, where they were used as a ferry boat. I
passed that river on the tenth and eleventh of January. On
the first day and night, the loading of the wagons, and many
men, were boated over. On the morning of the 11th, the
mules were driven two miles, from grass; then drew the wagons
through the long ford of a mile, nearly swimming. The wagons
were then loaded in the willow thicket, and I marched fifteen
miles over the sandy road, to the first well, the same day,
a great effort and labor. ”

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

ARIZONA BEGINS LAW-MAKING

(By Hon. Edw. D. Tuttle)

The writer was elected a member of the First Arizona
Territorial legislature from the second district at the election
held July 18, 1864, under the proclamation of Governor
John N. Goodwin issued by virtue of the Act of Congress
approved February 24, 1863. The second district included
the entire western part of Arizona. At that time the only
settlements in that district wrere along the Colorado river at
Yuma, La Paz, Mohave, Hardyville and a few isolated mining
camps and a few' roving prospectors. The first information
we had, at Mohave, of an election was brought by Charles
D. Poston, who wTas Indian agent at that time for the terri-
tory. He came on horseback from Prescott over a trail, there
being no wagon road at that time. We were quite surprised
to learn that the Governor’s party had selected Prescott as
the territorial capital. Colonel Poston announced his can-
didacy for the office of Delegate to Congress and gave us a
copy of the Governor’s proclamation. We at once got into
communication wdth the people of La Paz and Yuma and
without any political party organization, by mutual consent,
apportioned the number of members to which the district
was entitled. Between the different portions of the district.
Mohave was to have two members of the lower legislative
branch (The House). La Paz, Yuma and lower river points
were assigned two members of the upper branch (The Council)
and three members of the House. When the people had
selected their nominees a general notice was given so that
tickets could be prepared and polling places fixed.

Soon after Colonel Poston visited us, one Augustus P.
Hall came from Prescott and announced the candidacy of
Dr. Lieb, of Prescott, for delegate for Congress. Also David
Bradshaw visited us enroute from Prescott to La Paz. He
talked to the voters, announcing himself as a candidate for
Delegate to Congress, saying he had served as lieutenant in

ARIZONA BEGINS LAW-MAKING

Company D of Colonel Doniphan’s regiment of Missouri

Volunteers in the Mexican War.

Colonel Poston wanted me to go to El Dorado Canyon, a
mining camp sixty miles above Mohave, on the west side of
the river, to see that the polls were opened on election day and
also to promote his candidacy. . I, accordingly, in company
with Mr. Shoemaker, went to that place, arriving in time for
the election. The people there seemed to have no interest and
it required a good bit of urging to have the polls organized.
Quite a vote was polled and I carried the returns to Mohave
and saw to their transmittal to the Secretary of- the territory

at Prescott. .

The address of Secretary Richard C. McCormick at tne

opening of the first legislative session was a notable one. He
especially cautioned us to drop all sectional animosities ard
local or political prejudices. He emphasized the importance
of unity and necessity for economy and enlarged upon the
mineral resources, offering to capital opportunity for invest-
ment when life and property were made safe.

Secretary McCormick was of Irish blood and brim full of
Celtic fire, of medium height and slim build, well formed and
with dark complexion, nervous temperament, and of quick
decisive action. -He had represented a New York district in
Congress and been librarian of the Congressional library in
Washington. His interest in Arizona had been aroused by
reading°the work of Prescott, the historian, and that suggested
the name adopted for the capital.

The Governor, John N. Goodwin, was a large man, of a
florid complexion, fine physique, and was easily the handsomest
man around at that time. He made no speeches that I recall
now and seldom appeared at our sessions, but met with com-
mittees at his residence. Almon Gage, attorney general, was
on hand at all times.

The Legislative candidates from Mohave were John Moss,
discoverer of the Moss Gold Mine; William Walter, recorder
of the San Francisco mining district, and myself. Walter and
I were elected. As there was some danger from roaming
bands of Navajos, Apache, Mohave and Wallapai Indians

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

on the trail, Mr. Walter and myself accompanied Lieutenant
Baldwin’s mounted troop of the First California Cavalry, who
were going to their post at Fort Whipple from Mohave. Mr.
John Rountree was with Lieutenant Baldwin, of the firm
of Rountree & Alsap, Prescott, both prominent in Arizona
development. Jake Miller and his brother had a ranch
fenced just out of Prescott, where we left our horses during
the time of our legislative service. They had a fine location;
it included the only large body of pine timber there, scattering
trees being the rule.

As the time for the legislative session to open on September
26th, approached, the delegations from other sections of the
territory came in from the south and west. We soon got
together and selected appointees to fill the various legislative
official positions, so, when the day for organization arrived,
Ex-Governor Bashford of Tucson, had no opposition for
President of the Council and William Claude Jones, also of
Tucson, was the unanimous choice for Speaker of the House.
No time was lost in organization.

Territorial Secretary McCormick had been quite busy for
several days with the contractors getting the Capitol building
ready for housing the members. It was a log structure of
three rooms, the interstices between the logs chinked with
clay. It was comfortable and such as most of us were used to
and quite in keeping with the new town. There were no saw
mills near to cut lumber. The Lount Brothers just then were
bringing in a steam-power saw mill, but had not yet got it in
operation. The tables, benches and desks in the legislative
halls were of the crudest description. In fact, the whole
“ensemble,” as well as the town, resembled a California
mining camp in 1849. But the people all were full of energy
and alive to the great development just ahead and proud to
be taking a part in it.

The families of Mr. John Osborn, Mr. Ehle, Mr. Boblett,
Mr. Jackson, Dr. Leib and others added to the social ad-
vantages. The Reverend Harry Reed gave the citizens
religious instruction and was also postmaster. Goldwater
Brothers and Wormser had merchandise for sale. N. P. Appel,

ARIZONA BEGINS LAW-MAKING

a member of the house from Tucson, of the firm of Tully &
Ochoa, combined business with his official duties and brought
a load of flour, showing very commendable discretion in pro-
viding against a famine.

Most of the members seemed to be bachelors, or were to
become so, as two of them, if my memory is correct, were
divorced as a result of some of the first acts passed. The town
population appeared to be composed of mostly unmarried men.

Hezikiah Brooks was Probate Judge and John Howard
was an attorney; Bill Bradshaw, after whom was named the
Bradshaw range of mountains, a miner, relieved the tedium
of the hours after adjournment with stories of happenings in
his old home town in North Carolina. We had a marriage
celebration — John Dixon and a bonnie daughter of Mr. Ehle,
who ran the hotel.

Judge Allyn convened the United States District court
and the grand and petit jury brought in from the surrounding
mountains and valleys of his jurisdiction, stalwart men to
support law and order and give protection to those pushing
civilization into the last stronghold of savagery in the great
southwest.

With the Governor’s entourage came the printing press and
type for a newspaper, brought by Secretary McCormick, who
stood sponsor for the Arizona Miner, when that paper made
its bow to the public. The Miner has survived all these years
as a valuable help to progress. The late John Marion, after-
wards owner and editor of the Prescott Courier, was the
principal editor of the Miner during the first days of its
existence, and the late A. F. Banta was the printer responsible
for the typographical appearance of the first copy of the
Miner. In the Miner was printed the Journal of the legis-
lative proceedings. I remember the Miner office did not have
a lower case z, so they turned an N. half way around as a
substitute; anyone having a copy of that Journal will confirm
my statement. One typo on the Miner was named Bentley,
later killed by the Indians.

Just below the capitol on Granite Creek, was Fort Whipple.
It was garrisoned by a troop of the First California Cavalry,

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Lieutenant E. C. Baldwin in command; a company of the
Fifth United States infantry, Captain A. L. Anderson,
Lieutenants Barr and Curtis. The assistant surgeon was
Lieutenant Elliott Cones. Surgeon Cones was divorced by*
us from a wife wTho was in Washington at the time, probably
no notice of the action was ever served on her. Lieutenant
Cones was the author of a standard work on Ornithology, now
a text book in our schools. Captain Anderson, who was a
nephew of Major Anderson, of Fort Sumpter, S. C., when the
first shot of the Civil War was fired, was also a cousin of
Nicholas Longworth, of Ohio, member of Congress and
Speaker. Anderson became Colonel of the Eighth California
Cavalry on March 7, 1865, and died a few years ago at the
soldier’s home at Sawtelle, California.

The legislature, when it passed an act authorizing a
territorial seal, called on Captain Anderson to suggest and
make a copy for the engravers, which he did and it was
adopted, but I think it was never used as a succeeding legis-
lature adopted the present one. Lieutenant Curtis had a
bad limp from a wound received at Antietam. Lieutenant
Baldwin’s troop had just returned from Texas, where it took
the prisoners captured at the battle with Colonel Sibley’s
command (Texans) on the Rio Grande.

There was a Union League in Prescott.

Major E. B. Willis, First California Cavalry, selected the
site of Fort Whipple, which was established as a protection
to the capital and surrounding country. Several of the
legislative members had their sleeping quarters at Wormser’s
Store on the counters and other soft places, myself among the
number.

I must relate an incident told me by Captain A. S. Grant,
Fourth California Infantry, in which Mr. Wormser played a
dangerous and important part: Sergeant Bell of Grant’s

Company, in command of a soldier escort to Wormser’s
freight train from Ehrenburg to Prescott, was attacked by
Indians in a canyon out a way from the river. In the rush
Wormser, mounted on a mule, received an arrow through the
fleshy part of his anatomy nearest the saddle. Wormser hit

ARIZONA BEGINS LAW-MAKING

the road for Prescott and did not stop until he got there and
raised a posse to save his train. The soldiers got into the
rocks, drove off the Indians and finally saved the train. They
were commended by General Mason in General Orders.

Such occurrences were not uncommon in those days. The
descendents of these same redskins are now doing the hard
work on the various dam projects constructed on Arizona
streams, and tourists drive over the same country in safety
without a thought of the pioneer who marked the trail with
his blood.

The townsite of Prescott was located and entered under
the United States Townsite Law. Robert Groom, Civil
Engineer, surveyed and platted it. Mr. Groom was a member
of the Council. R. C. McCormick, Van Smith and Brooks, I
think, were the Commissioners. The lots were sold at public
auction by the Commissioners while that first legislature was
in session. I was a buyer of about a dozen of w’hat I thought
the best located ones. As the patent had not been yet issued
to the Probate Judge, trustee, the purchasers were only
required to pay down 10% of the price and received from the
Commissioners a certificate of purchase; the balance to be
paid when patent was received and the Probate Judge could
give a deed. Soon after my return home to Mohave, some
reprobate stole my valise containing the certificates and other
personal effects, which I never recovered. I never made any
effort to perfect my title. A few years ago I passed through
Prescott on the Santa Fe train. I stepped down and employed
the few minutes of the stop in a glance at the city of Prescott,
now a bustling hive of business and fine blocks of modern
buildings. I could locate what was once my lots, now right
in the center of traffic and covered by fine buildings.

I tried to find the old Capitol log structure but, like the
title to my lots, it had passed away, and joined the blasted
hopes of those who constructed it and thought it was to be
the seat of government for all time. After a vacillating and
unstable life for a few years, it finally found a congenial home
in the beautiful valley of the Rio Solado — Salt River just
where the honorable Speaker of the House in 18G4 Hon.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Claude Jones — wanted to place it as a compromise when the
Tucson delegation failed to move the Capital to the old
Spanish town. The northern and western members beat the
move by a tie vote. Jones’ amendment tacked the name
“Aztlan” on to his proposition — a very good name — but I
like the present name better. I saw Phoenix for the first time
in February, 1869. I, on that occasion, followed some of the
old abandoned canals (prehistoric), mute evidence of the
dense population that once filled the land. I then felt the
thrill that Speaker Jones had felt as he passed through the
valley on his way to that legislature in 1864. William Claude
Jones, the Speaker, was a lawyer of ability, a native of Ohio
who went to Missouri and contested with the Honorable
Thomas H. Benton for a seat in Congress, being defeated.
I met Jones in 1865 on the Steamer Senator bound from San
Diego to San Francisco. He told me he was enroute to
Honolulu, Hawaii.

I will now' attempt to take up such knowledge as I have of
the personal life of a few7 of the members of that first legis-
lature, in order that their memory may pass on to the future.
I must first say that although the country w’as engaged in a
fratricidal and bloody w'ar, with doubtless conflicting ideas as
to the merits of the causes and issues at stake, I never heard a
single w7ord spoken in debate or at any time by the members
that could be construed as offensive by any one or in criticism
of the opposing elements in the contest. We w'ere just a
happy family, only 'anxious to give Arizona the very best
start in its new7 life and at the least expense of time and
money. I believe we did more w'ork in less time than any
deliberative body in the history of the formation of this
republic. There was no graft; if anyone had an axe to grind,
he soon found a seat way back in the corner.

The Governor, John N. Goodw'in, w^ho had been in
Congress from Maine previous to his appointment, as well as
Senator Richard C. McCormick, were ever ready to co-operate
and assist in every possible way at every stage of the session.
The Governor, when the judiciary committee w*as consider-
ing the Howell Code, section by section, as presented by

ARIZONA BEGINS LAW-MAKING

Judge Howell, who had been commissioned to prepare the
draft in readiness for the consideration of the legislature,
met regularly with the committee (I was a member) and
gave us the' benefit of his knowledge and experience as a
lawyer and law maker. It was his foresight that provided us,
through Judge Howell, the means by which a complete code
of laws was enacted for the territory, both civil and criminal,
to take the place of the crude common law of New Mexico,
of which we had formerly been a part; in fact, military law
was in force previously. Jesus M. Elias, of the house, and
Francisco S. Leon, of the council, spoke only Spanish.
Speaker Jones for the House, acted as interpreter, being
competent. No other was employed. The journal clerk ot
the house, James Anderson, a lawyer and a veteran of the
war with Mexico; a native of Erie, Pennsylvania; a resident
of California since 1849; once a member of the California
legislature from Placer County, came to Arizona with William
H. Hardy, when he built Hardyville in 1864, gave us in the
journal of that session an example worthy to be followed in
concise and complete journalism.

All other employees performed their duties with zeal and
efficiency. I must speak especially of our watchman, whose
name I now cannot recall. It is sufficient to say he was a
genuine, good feeling, musical Irishman; when off duty he
would regale us with a concert of those Irish ballads, rendered
in a voice so rich in melody that it would put a mocking bird
out of tune. His rendering of “The Wake of Poor Old
Teddy Moore” would bring the tears to us hardened sinners.

When bills were to be engrossed for final approval, every
member who could write a good legible hand would take a
hand and thus save clerk hire and time. I even gave my poor
services along that line. Nobody thought of soaking the
territorial treasury for such service. One member had
enough sand in his craw to introduce or propose a “Stay
Law,” to prevent creditors who lived outside the territory
from bringing an action against debtors residing in the terri-
tory for a year after the enactment of the law. It never got

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

to its first reading. We were poor, but would never have it
published to the world we were dishonest.

The running branding iron had not been adopted in
Arizona at that date. The 13th legislature hadn’t arrived.

As the interest of the reader may be bored somewhat,
I'll take a side trail for diversion and relate a story told me
by Harte, one of the House members; I will not vouch for
its truth. All interested parties, I believe, are now beyond
any evil effect by the telling: Dr. Leib, an old and respected
citizen of Prescott, was a former influential citizen of Illinois;
a friend of President Lincoln; loyal and anxious to help the
Government in its effort to save the Union. He was com-
missioned as a Captain-Quartermaster in the United States
Volunteers and went on duty with the Army operating in
West Virginia. He equipped and supplied the new companies
of Ohio Volunteers that were to confront and rout the Con-
federates in the Shenandoah Valley. He was entirely without
experience in the methods of accounting for the public property
invoiced and charged to his account as disbursing officer; his
clerks were equally inexperienced; his depot was filled with
everything required for the arriving companies and regiments
and no delay was tolerated in supplying them; sometimes
receipts were taken and other times that formality was im-
possible. Monthly returns had to be made to Washington;
there was scant time to do it; finally a demand came from
Washington for his returns with the information his pay was
stopped. In his quandary, the Captain filled a barrel with his
receipts and such vouchers as he had; headed up the barrel
and marked it, “ Respectfully Referred to the Secretary of
War, Washington, D. C.'\ The following mail brought an
order of dismissal; Mr. Harte was his clerk. Comment!
Almost anybody after such an experience, would want to go
west and grow up with the country!

The Doctor gave us a lecture which was a torrent of
criticism of the Goodwin-McCormick governmental party
from its start at Cincinnati to its arrival at Prescott. Mrs.
Leib, a very lovely and polished woman, after the Doctor's
demise, became Mrs. Judge Brooks.

ARIZONA BEGINS LAW-MAKING

The Doctor’s experience was that of many volunteer officers
in that war, who were honest and deserved better treatment.
Somebody has said governments have no conscience or
gratitude. At the close of the war an omnibus bill had to be
enacted to balance the books to relieve such cases— a just
and proper relief.

During my sojourn at Prescott, I heard of no disorder or
breach of the peace, except in one case, and that involved a
member of the Council, Bob Groom. I was not present at
the commencement of the controversy. J. H. Lount and
Groom were in the post-office. Just as I entered it, Lount
picked up a loaded carbine from a corner and from a distance
of less than six feet aimed at Groom. Mr. Holauay, a member
from La Paz, struck up the gun as it was fired, the bullet
passing just over Groom’s head. Bystanders prevented any
further demonstrations and Holaday’s prompt act saved
Groom’s life and a murder.

Jack Swilling sometimes came in and made lively talks,
airing his opinions as to the War in a loud and noisy harangue.
He had been a lieutenant in Captain Baylor’s company of
Sibly’s command of Confederates, which had been defeated
on the Rio Grande by Chivington’s Colorado Volunteers.
No one took any exception to Jack’s raving. He had his good
qualities and was enterprising. He settled in the Salt River
Valley at Phoenix and built the first irrigating canal there.

I saw no drunkenness even. It was the most orderly town
in my experience.

William H. Kirkland, of Kirkland Valley, was a member
of that first grand jury in Judge Allyn’s court, and can be
truly called a “pioneer of the pioneers”. He was a native of
Virginia, raised in Missouri; a Forty-niner in California and
drove Butterfield’s stages and was among the first in every
new settlement in Arizona. I knew him as a neighbor in
Safford, Graham County. He relinquished his claim to the
quarter section entered as Safford Town Site and received an
interest in some town lots. Mrs. Lizzie Steel* prominent at
Pioneer meetings as the oldest native daughter, is Kirkland s
daughter.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Pauline Weaver, one of the old trappers of the southwest,
came in one day on his mule. He brought the Governor a can
of sorghum syrup, produced on his ranch on the Hassayampa.
Weaver Hill gold diggings, bears his name; once the richest
placer in the world, now exhausted.

J. M. Redondo, elected at Yuma as a member of the
House, did not attend. Mr. Leihy, a member of the Council
from La Paz, was late in coming, also Louis G. Bouchet — all
others were in their seats at the opening of the session.

At least two who were members met their death at the
hands of the Apaches; Gilbert W. Hopkins, House Member,
a civil engineer, an educated man and one of the most capable
members, and George W. Leihy, Councilman, who was
appointed Indian Agent at the Colorado Indian Reservation
and was killed by reservation Indians; also his clerk, whose
name I do not recall. This same clerk (a Scotchman) in 1865
saved me from injury by extricating me from under my
riding mule, which stumbled and fell on me. I was escorting
Mr. Maltby, Indian Agent for California, and a committee of
Congressmen inspecting the Indian reservations of Hoopa
Valley and No-Me-Lack-ee (Round Valley) in northern
California. He was then Maltby's clerk; afterwards became
Leihy’s clerk. Mr. Leihy was warned but trusted them too
much.

Daniel H. Stickney, house member, enlivened proceedings
by occasionally referring to the time “He Commanded Fort
Yuma.” When General James Carleton was in command in
Arizona in 1861-62; he arrested some of the citizens of southern
California whom he thought too free in their criticisms of the
government in its prosecution of the war and placed them in
arrest at Fort Yuma. Stickney was one. Sylvester Mowry,
who was Lieutenant in the United States Army and resigned
just before the war, while stationed at Fort Yuma, was
another. Mowry wrote a history of Arizona and Sonora.
He owned the Cerro Colorado mine once called the Ileintzle-
man Mine, when owned by General Samuel Heintzleman of
the United States Army, of the Civil War days. Stickney

ARIZONA BEGINS LAW-MAKING

was from Alabama and a native of Massachusetts. Mown-
was from Pennsylvania. Probably Carleton was over zealous.
Their incarceration at the fort was nothing more than a
pleasant outing. I was at the fort just after they were

released and heard all about it. .

When I got there, one Colonel Lally was enjoying the
hospitalities of the officer’s mess as guest. He had been
superintendent of the Cerro Colorado Mine and was on his
way to New York. He was always commending Bourbon as
a sovereign remedy for the malaria so prevalent in Southern
Arizona and seemed to be giving the remedy a thorough trial.
Like the summer cloud and the morning dew, he disappeared
into the west.

John G. Capron operated the stage line from Tucson to
San Diego at one time and had some exciting experiences with
the Apaches. He was a native of Ohio. Thomas J. Bid well
served as collector of income tax in 1866.

Richard Gird, a civil engineer, was commissioned to make
an official map of the territory. He was part owner in the
mines at Tombstone in 1878, and became a millionaire. He
went to Southern California and purchased the Chino Ranch,
in San Bernardino County, of thirty square leagues, made
great improvements and established a beet sugar plant at
great cost. It finally passed to an English company and
Gird died poor. Tom Bidwell and Gird were partners at that
early date, but Bidwell did not share in the Tombstone good
luck later.

I must mention the fact that the First Legislature had to
worry along on three dollars a day — “Lincoln’s skins,” as
some people derisively termed them, better known as green-
backs. Their value in gold fluctuated according to the war
clouds. They sometimes were black as seven midnights.
Holiday and* I arranged with Mr. and Mrs. Boblett to feed

us for the salary and mileage.

Mrs. Boblett was a Kansas girl and handy with a rifle and
sometimes helped out the menu with venison steaks of her
own killing.

Salaries took a rise as soon as the territory began to levy

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

taxes and sell bonds, and things looked better when the
Treasury began to operate.

It is an unsolved problem whether the service for quality
can be judged by the salaries paid. I am satisfied that the
First Legislature would not suffer in such a test. The
Governor and his Secretary, gave us all, in turn, a diplomatic
dinner at their Bachelor Log Casa over across Granite Creek,
a lovely site. Secretary McCormick presented me with an
autographed copy of his book, entitled, “From St. Paul to
Saint Sophia”. It went with my town lot certificates, so I
have now no souvenirs of that interesting period, but time
has not erased from my retina the panoramic view; to the
south, dominated by “Thumb Butte” and to the north,
Mount San Francisco, with its snow cap. And we who had
been sweltering in the more than torrid heats of the Colorado
River Valley, gloried in the change to the pure w’ater and cool
bracing climate of the central highlands, and stood by Prescott
for the Capital.

It has been a source of intense satisfaction that I have
had, under a Divine Providence, my life extended to see the
territory advance to its present high place as a State in the
Union, with a future greater advancement when the rivers
have been fully harnessed and their energy applied to the
various industries, and have helped to banish or ameliorate
many of the handicaps which her citizens have had to endure
in their struggle for a place in the sun. And it is an added
pleasure to know' that I have been on the firing line for nearly
forty years of its most interesting history.

LABORS FOR A TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT

(Taken from Joseph Fish’s Manuscript)

With all the troubles and turmoils of Civil War, the
Apaches, outlaws, and Mexican marauders, there was one
plasa that had not been driven out from Tucson. The irre-
pressible politician remained but there was little government.
Arizona was a part of New Mexico, and that Territory was
divided into five or six counties. That is, the boundaries of
the counties of New Mexico extended west to California, but
as Arizona, which was all north of the Gila prior to 18o4, usd
not a single settlement, there was scarcely the shadow of a
county jurisdiction, but after the Gadsden Purchase slight
and varying attempts were made at Tucson. By act of
Congress August 4, 1854, the Gadsden Purchase was added
‘ to New Mexico, and by act of the Legislature, January 18,
1855 it was attached to Dona Ana County and remained as
part of it until 1863. There was no semblance whatever of
county rule, except the occasional sending of a criminal to
Mesilla for trial, and yet there was a justice of the peace at
Tucson, most of the time. Complaints were made that the
country could not be properly governed from Santa Fe. The
Mesilla district made common cause with Arizona upon this
matter, it being also widely detached from the seat of govern-
ment. On the last day of December, 1854, a member from
Dona Ana County introduced a memorial to Congress, in the
Legislature of New' Mexico, praying for the organization of
the Territory into a separate political division. Arizona was
made a part’ of Dona Ana County a few days after this. The
first name chosen for the New Territory was “Primeria
then “Gadsonia” was suggested but finally Arizona was
selected. These first attempts to secure territorial govern-
ment failed, and it was nearly ten years later before the
object was attained. _

A convention was held at Tucson, August 29, 1856, Major
M. Aldrich presiding; James Douglass and Jose M. Martinez

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Vice-Presidents. The committee on resolutions and memorials
were N. P. Cook, G. H. Oury, H. Ehrenberg, Ign. Ortiz and
I. D. I. Pack. This convention resolved to send a memorial
to Congress urging the organization of a territory, and to
send a delegate to Congress. The memorial was signed by
two hundred and sixty persons. Oury was elected to the New
Mexican Legislature, and in September Nathan P. Cook
was elected Delegate. He arrived at San Diego on the 22nd,
whence he sailed for Washington. He was not admitted to a
seat, but his mission was brought before the House in January,
1857, and a Bill to organize the territory was introduced
but failed to pass. The report of the Committee on Territories
was against a Territorial organization, in consequence of the
limited number of people. Realizing that something ought
to be done, it recommended a bill to organize a judicial
district south of the Gila, to provide a surveyor-general and
secure representation at Santa Fe, as well as for the regulation 4
of land claims and mining titles. Such a bill was passed by
the Senate in February, but was not acted upon by the House.
It was a lengthy bill, dealing with the many complications of
Mexican land titles, etc., which was doubtless the cause of
its delay. Senator Gwin of California in December, 1857,
introduced a bill to organize such a government for the
Gadsden Purchase, under the name of Arizona, and the
Legislature of New Mexico February, 1858, passed resolutions
in favor of the measure, with a north and south boundary
line on the meridian of 109, also the removal of all the New
Mexico Indians to Western Arizona. An election was held
in September, 1857, at Tucson at which S\dvester Mowry was
elected delegate to Congress. He was not admitted and
G win’s bill was not passed. Mowry continued his efforts the
following year with much zeal, but met with poor success.
Mowry was re-elected delegate and other bills were introduced,
but defeated. The people of Tucson continued holding meet-
ings and sending memorials, to which there was but little
attention paid. One cause, doubtless, was the slavery ' ques-
tion, but as there was no debates on these bills, the grounds
are not clearly set forth. The purchase had been a southern

LABORS FOR A TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT 65 *

measure. The country was in southern hands, and it was
felt that the Territorial bill must be a southern scheme for
aggrandizement. The whole population could not have
numbered more than 8,000 or 10,000 exclusive of Indians.
Two-thirds of this number was on the Rio Grande at Mesilla
and vicinity. The American population could not have been
over two thousand, and it might be added that there was no
law or protection by the government; every man redressed
his wrongs with the pistol or knife, or submitted in silence.
Yet, still, it was thought that the needs of a territorial govern-
ment were greatly exaggerated, by a few office seekers and
speculators in mines and lands. The measure could not gain
a full support of the democrats, and the other party were not
strong enough. President Buchanan in his Messages of
December, 1857-8-9 set forth in strong terms the necessities
for a territorial government, calling the attention of Congress
to the state of lawlessness that existed along the border, and
mineral and agricultural resources of the proposed territory.
He spoke of the importance of having a chain of inhabitants
extend along the border of Arizona, and the protection of the
mail line against Indians and Mexicans. In support of this
measure he said, “ I can imagine no possible remedy for these
evils, and no mode of restoring law and order on the remote
and unsettled frontier but for the government of the U. S. to
assume a temporary protectorate over the northern portion
of Chihuahua and Sonora and to establish military posts in
the same. ” This earnest desire to create a territorial govern-
ment for Arizona and taking possession of the northern part
of Chihuahua and Sonora was doubtless, as many afterwards
claimed, for the purpose of making, more slave states, and
establishing a line of military posts to the Pacific coast as
was afterwards attempted during the time of the Rebellion.

Mr. Green of Missouri, in 1860, introduced a bill to
provide a “Temporary Government for the Territory of
Arizona” which also failed. In 1860 Sylvester Mowry ^vas
selected to go to Washington and urge the passage of the
bill, but the breaking out of the Civil War and political
jealousies postponed the matter. Mowry spent considerable

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

time while in the east lecturing upon the resources of Arizona.
The effect of these lectures awakened an interest in this
section which doubtless helped to secure the passage of the
act of organization and separation from New Mexico.

It was openly asserted that the country’s misfortunes were
due to the neglect of the Government, which arose from
Arizona’s well known devotion to the Southern cause, which
was probably true to a certain extent. This neglect con-
tinued for several years at least in the minds of the people
and might be illustrated by the astonishment which prevailed
in the crowd in Tucson on the reading of President Lincoln’s
Message. When that portion was finished which referred to
the Indian atrocities in Dakota and Minnesota, “Wiiati,
said every one, “not one wrord about Arizona or the Apaches?
Why, we have lost ten lives where they have lost one —
thousands of dollars where they have lost hundreds.” The
Government of New Mexico somehow or other never did pay
the slightest attention to the wishes of the people of the
district of Arizona and this w*as probably the cause of their
erecting or attempting to erect the provisional government
noted above.

The people had received political teachings from such men
as Philemon T. Herbert, Judge Edward McGowan, Samuel
J. Jones, Lieutenant Sylvester Mo wry, Judge Lucas, Governor
Owdngs, Granville H. Ourv, Captain Ewell and others who
were strong Southern sympathizers and it is not strange that
with such tutors the sentiments of the people should be almost
universally with the Southern cause. The New' Mexican
legislature about this time passed new resolutions in favor
of division. They also passed an act, February 1st, 1860, to
create a new county, called Arizona, from the western part of
Dona Ana County, with Tucson as county seat, but no
attention was paid to this act, and it was repealed tw'o years
later. In Congress the matter came up again in December.
Jefferson Davis presented a bill to organize the territory.
There wras some debate upon this but mainly on the slavery
question. In March, 1862, the Arizona bill w’as again intro-
duced and discussed in Congress. The Southern element

LABORS FOR A TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT

having withdrawn, the measure was entirely Republican and
contained a clause against slavery. It adopted the suggestion
of New Mexico on a north and south boundary line on the
meridian of 109. Watts, of Ohio, was its chief advocate in
the House. While Wheeler, of New York, led the opposition.
On one side it was argued that Arizona with a population of
6,500, and four thousand civilized Indians was entitled to
protection and a civil Government as citizens of the United
States. And the vast mineral wealth amply justified the
necessary expenditure. On the other side it was claimed that
the population had never been sufficient for a territory, that
the 6,500 of the census included Mexicans and half breeds,
unfit for citizenship, that the American population had been
driven out, and the territory was in the possession of rebels
and hostile Indians. There was some truth in these state-
ments for it is claimed that the white population at this
period was only 581. It was further claimed that under such
circumstances a civil government would be no real protec-
tion, that as the country was in the midst of a great war, and
with an overburdened treasury, Congress had no right to
appropriate the money for the benefit of territorial office
seekers. The bill however, passed the House on May 8th, by
a small majority. The debate on the bill in the Senate was
similar, and it was laid over from June to December, in Feb-
ruary, 1863, the bill again came up under the championship
of Senator Ben Wade; the clause fixing Tucson as the
capital being removed. It was passed by a vote of 25 to 12
on the 20th, and became a law on the 24th.

As to the wire pulling in regard to the bill, I quote from
Charles D. Poston, who gave the following account of how
the bill passed. “At the meeting of Congress, in December,
I returned to Washington, made friends with Lincoln, and
proposed the organization of the Territory of Arizona. Oury
was in Richmond, cooling his heels in the Ante-Chamber of
the Confederate Congress, without gaining admission as a
delegate from Arizona. Mowry was a prisoner in luma,
cooling his head from political fever wThich had effected it,
and meditating on the decline and fall of a West Point

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

graduate. There was no other person in Washington, save
General Heintzelman, who took an interest in Arizona affairs.
They had something else to occupy their attention and did
not even know where Arizona was. Old Ben Wade, chairman
of the senate committee on territories, took a lively interest
in the organization of the territory, and Ashley, chairman of
the committee in the house told me how to accomplish the
object. He said there were a number of members of the
expiring Congress, who had been defeated in their own districts
for the next term, who wanted to go west and offered their
political services to the ‘ Galoots, ’ and if they could be grouped
and a satisfactory slate made, they would have influence
enough to carry the onl through Congress. Consequently , fiu
“ oyster supper” was organized, to which the “lame ducks”
were invited, and then and there the slate was made, and the
territory was virtually organized. So the slate was made
and the bargain concluded, but toward the last it occurred
to my obfuscated brain that my name did not appear on the
slate, and in the language of Daniel Webster I exclaimed,
“Gentlemen, what is to become of me?” Gurley poetically
replied, “O, we will make you Indian Agent.” So the bill
passed, and Lincoln signed all the commissions, and the
oyster supper was paid for, and we were all happy, and
Arizona was launched upon the political sea.”

FATHER EUSEBIO FRANCISCO KINO

( f

\ !

\ f

\ i
i ;

FATHER EUSEBIO FRANCISCO KINO

(By Frank C. Lockwood)

In his remarkable volumes, Kino's Historical Memoirs of
Pimeria Alta, Professor Herbert E. Bolton has disclosed in
Sm clear outline one of the great characters in American
history. The figure of Father Kino had loomed there m
indistinct outline for two centuries; but it -required * *
and devotion of a great modern scholar to ^1 his truly
„uarneter. Father Kino now stands before us

fa^sd^reaUty* as~a religious genius, a saintly missionary a
mighty spiritual captain— the most potent individual and th
most worthy in the civilization of the Southwest.

Father Kino was born near Trent, in the Austrian yro ,
August 10th 1644. He was well educated as a boy, and as a
youth he attended the universities of Ingolstadt and Freiburg
He distinguished himself in mathematics, early attracted the

attention of great scholars and nobles and ^Jffered
professorship in the University of Ingolstadt While a ver^
young man he suffered an illness so serious that the docto
despaired of his life. But he was saved by what seemed^ an
almost miraculous recovery; and so devout wa
giving that he entered the Jesuit order and decided .to become
a foreign missionary. The opportunity came in 1678, when
there was a call for missionaries in Mexico. Wter PeaU
delays, and a tedious and perilous voyage, he at last reache
Vera Cruz, May 3rd, 1681.

Attempts had long been made to found permanent missions
in California, but without success. In January, ,
expedition sailed with renewed determination to effect a
settlement in California, and Father Kmo acconM.anied h.s
expedition, not only as Superior of the Cahforn.a nussion
but, also, as royal astronomer, surveyor, and map-makci.
As usual in these early Spanish attempts at colonization, the
object was two-fold; to find and gather gems and precious
metals, and to convert the Indians. A landing was made

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

at La Paz. A log church and log huts were erected. Father
Kino devoted himself with loving and ardent heart to mis-
sionary work. He was optimistic and full of courage in the
midst of many dangers and hardships. But the Indians grew
hostile toward the Spaniards, and, to the great grief of the
Fathers, the project was abandoned.

If the reader will consult an early map of Pimeria Alta,
he will find marked on the upper waters of the San Miguel,
Altar, Santa Cruz, and San Pedro rivers points that indicate
a chain of settlements along these streams. Dolores, Rem-
edios, St. Ignace, Imuris, Cocospera, Guevavi, Tumacacori,
San Xavier, and Quiburi. At these places Father Kino
established mission stations; and then, at each point where
the natives had expressed a desire to have a father settled
among them, he set them to building and roofing an adobe
house, as soon as possible, for the permanent home of the
priest. He also early taught them to plant and tend crops
of wheat, maize, beans, and melons for the missions. As yet
there were no domestic animals in this region; but, as soon as
the natives at one of these mission stations were fully en-
listed, Father Kino would supply the rancheria with flocks
and herds — horses, cattle, and sheep produced on his ranch
at Dolores from the animals that had been given him when
he first settled there. He was a remarkable ranchman; and
it was he who first introduced domestic animals and stock
raising into Arizona. A dozen of these mission ranches soon
came, thus, to be well stocked with horses and cattle, sheep
and goats. The Indians at each station were taught howT to
cultivate their fields and care for the stock left with them;
and they did this gladly against the time when a resident
priest should come to occupy the mission.

Father Kino's economic policy was wise in the extreme.
By stocking these ranches, and instructing the Indians in the
art of agriculture, the converts were sure of a regular food
supply, the missionaries as they came were sure of a good
living, from the first, and, in addition to all this, these pros-
perous ranches served as bases of supply and safe gateways
to nations and peoples still more remote. Some idea of the

FATHER EUSEBIO FRANCISCO KINO

success and extent of Father Kino’s stock-raising enterprises
mav be gained from the fact that when the mission of San
Xavier was fully established in 1700, he sent a herd of seven
hundred head of cattle to the ranch there, where he had
previously instructed the Indians to prepare corrals to receive
them. He writes in his diary, April 24th, 1700: “Here at
Guevavi there were also eighty-four head of sheep and goats,
a good field of wheat, maize, and beans ready for harvest, and
an earth-roofed adobe house for the father whom they hoped
to receive. ” Two days later he is at San Xavier, and he writes,
“We killed six beeves of the three hundred they were tending
for me here, with forty head of sheep and goats, and a small
drove of mares. They had also a good field of wheat which
was beginning to head; and during the following days they
planted for the church a large field of maize which they had
previously cleared.”

Having made ample provisions in flocks and herds, and in
house, garden, and field for the material support of a mis-
sionary establishment, Father Kino’s next thought was for
the erection of a church. Since of all the mission churches of
the Southwest none has been more beautiful and enduring
than San Xavier del Bac, I cannot do better, to give an idea
of Father Kino as a builder, than to let him tell in his own
words how the original foundations of this church at Bac

were laid. , .

April 28th, 1700, he writes: “On the twenty-eighth we

began the foundations of a very large and capacious church
and house of San Xavier del Bac, all the many people working
with much pleasure and zeal, some in digging for t e oun a
tions, others in hauling many and very good tezontle from a
little hill which was about a quarter of a league away, hor
the mortar for these foundations it was not necessary to haul
water, because by means of the irrigation ditches we very
easily conducted the water where we wished, and that house,
with its great court and garden nearby, will be able to have
throughout the year all the water it may need, running to
any place or workroom one may please, and one of the greatest
and best fields in all Nueva Biscaya.

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Father Kino was a tireless traveler. For the most part,
he made his journeys over these arid and savage deserts on
horse-back or mule-back, and usually he was attended by a
pack-train of forty or fifty, or even a larger number of horses
and mules from his own well-stocked ranches. Sometimes he
was given a small military escort — a captain or a lieutenant
and a few soldiers; sometimes one or two of his fellow priests
would go along with him; but frequently he had no other
companions than his Indian servants. Often he took ^entirely
untrodden routes, and they sometimes led into very wild and
dangerous places. The secret of successful travel on the
parched deserts of southwestern Arizona is to know wrkcre the
water holes are, and to be within striking distance of a new
one before the old one is allowed to slip beyond reach. How-
ever urgent the journey may be, a good siesta for the servants
in some spot where there is pasturage for the animals and
water for both man and beast is a thing much to be desired.

For example, Kino writes on a certain day — October 11th
— that he despatched the servants wdth the relay “that they
might go on to take their siesta and wait for me wherever
they should come across good pasturage for the pack animals.
We arrived before sunset at the Tank of La Luna and because
this watering-place is among some rocks so high that the
pack animals cannot ascend to drink wTater, we determined
to eat a morsel of supper there, and then travel, and we did
travel, three hours more by night, in order to reach the
watering-place of Carrizal with more ease the following day.
On the 12th, arising more than two hours before dawn, and
setting out from the stopping place at the rising of the morning
star, after thirteen leagues of very good roads, we arrived at
ten o’clock at the good watering place of El Carrizal. I said
mass; we breakfasted, and after eating dinner we took a very
good siesta; and after eight leagues journey farther we arrived
at eight o’clock at night at the rancheria and ranch of San
Marzelo. ”

It is Kino’s celerity, and endurance that amaze me. On
various expeditions, for a month or more at a time he would
average from twenty-five to thirty-five miles a day over

FATHER EUSEBIO FRANCISCO KINO

rough, and often unknown desert country, When fifty-one
years of age, in fifty-three days, he rode a,t least fifteen
hundred miles. Two years later, he made a trip into Arizona
as far as the Gila River between September 24th and October
29th. On this journey he traveled one thousand miles,
covering stages of thirteen, fourteen, fifteen and sixteen
leagues in steady succession, day after day. One of the
most remarkable single day rides that he records was made
May 3rd, 1700; when, between sunrise and midnight he
traveled more than seventy-five miles, in response to a call
from a brother priest, to save the life of a poor delinquent
whom the soldiers had captured and who, on the morning of
May 4th they were determined to beat to death.

" We must credit Father Kino with the discovery that
California is not an island but a peninsula, and that it could
be reached from Mexico by land. He had been taught that
this was true, in his university days; but in America the
contrary was held, and he long believed with everyone else
that California was a great island. When he visited the Gila
in 1699, the Yuma Indians presented him with certain lovely
blue shells that must have come from the South Sea. He had
seen these shells on the western shore of California— the
South Sea of that age. His curiosity was aroused; these blue
shells gave him the clue to the land passage to California.
While on his memorable visit to San Xavier del Bac, m the
spring of 1700, his thought again turned with intense interest
to the possibility of reaching California overland. He had
recently received from a distant chief of the Cocomancopa
the gift of “A Holy Cross, with a string of twenty blue shells.
North, East, and West, to the farthest boundaries of Pimena
Alta, he sent messengers to invite the chief men of the tribes
he had visited to meet him at Bac, that he might inquire wit
the utmost exactness whether these blue shells could have
been brought in any other way than overland from the South
Sea. Within a week, the chiefs began to arrive from various
directions. They all assured him that the shells must have
been brought from lands more distant than they knew. There
is a strange and solemn charm in Kino’s account of the long

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

night talks there in the remote silence of the starlit Arizona
desert with these ruling men of the Pima, gathered from far
and wide; for his discourse had quite as much to do with
the heavenly highways as it did with a land route to the
Pacific. “Also at night we had long talks, in the first place
in regard to our holy faith, and in regard to the peace, and
quietude, and love, and happiness of Christians, and they
promised, as we requested of them, to carry these good news
and teachings to other rancherias and nations much farther
on. ” He now made frequent and extended exploring tours to
the Colorado and around the head of the Gulf, until he finally
established beyond question that California was a peninsula
that could be reached from the east by land.

Kino was a great Christian statesman. His supreme
interest was the welfare of the Pima Indians. His heart and
soul continually burned with zeal for their conversion and
protection. A chief curse that followed the reduction of the
Indian tribes under the Spanish was forced employment in
the mines. Before Kino entered upon his work in Pimeria
Alta, he went to the Capital and obtained from the Royal
Audiencia the provision that during five years no native
should be taken out and compelled to work, from places
where he should go for their conversion. The Indians in all
the chief villages that he visited were eager to have settled
missionaries; and the way had been prepared everywhere
for all material necessities, yet Kino’s attempts to secure the
desired missionaries repeatedly came to naught. These
failures and rebuffs were the chief sorrow and anxiety of this
life. Those in authority were suspicious of the loyalty and
goodness of his Pima converts; and there was constant
hostility to his plans for them. The charge was persistent
that the Pimas were guilty of the depredations and murders
that the evil Apaches were forever committing. Patiently,
repeatedly, Father Kino was able to show that the Pimas were
innocent and that the Apaches were the malefactors; but the
powers of darkness seemed to prevail against the good priest
and his Pima children, for never was he able to supply the
needed workers for this field so ripe for the harvest. But he

FATHER EUSEBIO FRANCISCO KINO

was made happy at last; there came a dramatic vindication
of the loyalty and worth of his beloved converts. Their
devotion and valor was the means of saving the civilized
settlements from wide-spread devastation and slaughter. 1
happened this way:

In February, 1697, the Apaches had made a raid on Cocos-
pera in which they killed two Indian women, sacked and
burned the village, the church, and the house of the father,
and carried off all the stock to the hills. When Kino heard
that the Spanish garrison intended to march inland to punish
the marauders, he was able to get word to his friendly Punas
on the San Pedro to arm themselves and be prepared to go
with the soldiers against the common enemy. A month
later, the Apaches descended at dawn on the ranchena of
Santa Cruz, on the San Pedro River. They sacked and
burned the rancheria, and killed three cattle and three mares
that Kino had on the ranch there. But now Kino s friend
El Core, the great chief of the Sobaipuris, to whom Kino
had sent his message a month before, fell upon the Apaches
and administered a crushing and memorable defeat, killing
or wounding three hundred, and compelling as many more to
make terms with the Spanish soldiers. Kino was prompt to
use this convincing evidence of the trustworthiness of the
Pimas as a lever to secure more missionaries for his people.
While in this instance it was necessary for Kino, in order o
help preserve any semblance of civilization, to encourage his
Indian allies to make war, he habitually took every means
possible to bring about peace between warring nations, lie
acted as mediator between the Yumas and the Mancopas;
and when he reached the outskirts of some new or unknown
tribe, he never failed to send them little gifts and friendly

messages. . .

After all, Father Kino was first and foremost a missionary
priest. However noble and distinguished his various activi-
ties, they were all directed toward a single end— the winning
of these benighted Indians to the luminous Cross of Christ.
He devoted himself lovingly and ardently to the work of his
mission. He delighted to win and teach and defend and care

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

for these children of his heart. Wise in the things of this
world, he went on the theory that the straightest road to the
souls of these destitute heathen was through their stomachs;
so he took gifts of maize and 'pinole to strange Indians
when he went among them. He invariably gave presents to
Indians who came from a distance to visit him and to inquire
about Christianity. In his earliest mission work, he would
have the natives leave their boys with him' over night. By
thus having the boys under his own roof, he was easily able
to get them to take the first steps in civilized and^ church life.
They were taught to speak Spanish, to wear clothes, to per-
form very simple household duties, to sing, and to recite the
prayers of the church. Troops of Indian boys would follow
him about, and he would let them ride behind him on his
horse. Sometimes they would even cry to stay with him. In
his diary, of October, 1700, Kino gives us this attractive
picture of the manner in which he was received by the Coco-
maricopa and Yuma Indians:

“All were very affable, docile and friendly people, the
Cocomaricopa as well as those of the Rio Colorado; for
although they are of a different language, there are always
among them many Pimas and others who speak the Pima
language very well. They brought us many of their eatables,
and we spoke the Word of God both to the Pimas and, through
an interpreter, to the Cocomaricopas of this place and from
the Rio Colorado, all of whom were rejoiced to hear it”.
“During today’s march the boys kept throwing great quan-
tities of grass to the mules and horses, delighted that they ate
it and did not eat boys, as they had been made to believe wras
the case the year before, when we entered in February, being
then very much afraid of us and fleeing from us, but now
having lost that fear entirely. In the afternoon, after going
seven leagues more, we reached the rancheria of San Mateo
del Balki, where they received us with divers of their dishes
and with fish.”

A few days later, Father Kino makes this very human note
concerning the reception of his party by the Yuma Indians of
another village. “They received us very affectionately, even

)

FATHER EUSEBIO FRANCISCO KINO

„ivin<r the dog which was with us water and pinole in a little
basket, with all kindness, as if he were a person, wondering
that he was so tame and faithful, a thing never before seen

by them.” .

Father Kino was much pleased with everything that
showed intelligent interest in the Catholic faith, and progress
in its forms of worship— such as the repeating of the prayers,
the reciting of the litanies, and the decorating of the crude
little churches for the feast days. His heart was particularly
touched by the story of a little Indian girl who knelt before a
picture of the Virgin, and begged that she might hold the
Christ child. The very first and simplest acts of church
instruction and Christian ministration that the early padres
sought to impress upon the natives were the symbolism of the
Cross and the rite of baptism. Wherever the Fathers went,
they were zealous to baptize young infants and the sick or
aged who were about to die. Father Kino relates how in one
place he taught the natives the method of baptism for dying
persons when there was no priest within reach. He baptized
four thousand five hundred converts during his twenty-four
years of missionary work in America; and he states that he
could have baptized three times as many if the church could
have provided suitable care and instruction for the converts
afterwards. The first step in the christianizing of a settlement
was to gather the Indians into a pueblo. Next crops were
planted for the mission; and stock was brought in. Then fol-
lowed “ talks and instruction in Christian doctrine and in life
somewhat civilized. ” Finally an adobe house was built for the
priest, and a church was begun. Thus Christianity and
civilization came hand in hand to make the desert blossom
as the rose.

The very earliest introduction of formal Christian worship
on Arizona soil that we have record of was after this manner.
On December 24th, 1690, Father Salvatierra came to Father
Kino at Dolores as visitor to the Pima Missions. While he
was visiting a station south of the present Arizona line with
Kino, some of the chief men from the lower valley of the
Santa Cruz— about Bac, and Tubac— came carrying crosses,

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

and at the same time earnestly requested them to visit their
rancherias. So urgent and sincere was the invitation that
the father visitor did not find it in his heart to decline.
They accordingly turned northward, crossed the Arizona
line, and descending the river, came to Tumacacori, where
they found a large company of Sobaipuris gathered from
far and wide — some of them having come from fifty or sixty
miles inland. They had prepared a shelter of green boughs
for the crowd to gather under for the saying of mass. There
was a bower for the priests to sleep under, also; and another
one to serve as a kitchen. “These tabernacles -became the
first Christian places of worship in honor of the true God in
Southern Arizona. ” The people were instructed in some of
the simplest forms and doctrines of the church, some infants
were baptized, and some adults, who it was feared, might
not survive until another visit could be made, and the Indians
were given assurance that fathers would come to settle
among them as soon as possible.

Commenting on Kino's belief that California could be
entered by land, a distinguished officer of the Catholic Church
wrote to him as follows: “If you accomplish this we must
erect to you a rich and famous statue". I have longed to
find some picture or statue of Kino, but I have been unable
to find trace of any likeness of him. What could be a finer
tribute to this greatest of all Arizona pioneers than the
erection, even at this late day, of an idealized statue of him
at San Xavier, which he founded, or in Tucson.

He was almost seventy years old at the time of his death.
His conversation was constantly of the sweet names of Jesus
and Mary. In season and out of season, he made earnest
intercession for the heathen; and he was incessant in wratchings
and fastings, insomuch that he was cruel to himself, though
to all others he was kind and compassionate. Says Father
Velarde: “After supper, when he saw us already in bed, he
would enter the church; and even though I sat up the whole
night reading, I never heard him come out to get the sleep
of which he was very sparing. The discovery of lands and the
conversion of souls had purified him.” He was austere in all

FATHER EUSEBIO FRANCISCO KINO

his habits; he drank no wine; he used tobacco in no form; he
had for a couch only the saddle-blankets from his horse, and,
for cover, only two rough Indian blankets. He wore coarse
linen, and at his death possessed almost no wardrobe, for he
gave everything he could as alms to needy Indians.

“He died as he had lived, with extreme humility and
poverty. In token of this, during his last illness, he did not
undress. His deathbed, as his bed had always been, consisted
of two calf-skins as a mattress, two blankets such as the
Indians use for covers, and a pack-saddle for a pillow. Nor
did the entreaties of Father Augustin move him to anything
else. He died in the house of the father, where he had gone to
dedicate a finely made chapel in his pueblo of Santa Mag-
dalena, consecrated to San Francisco Xavier. When he was
singing the mass of the dedication he felt indisposed, and it
seems that the Holy Apostle, to whom he was ever devoted,
was calling him, in order that, being buried in the chapel, he
might accompany him, as we believe, in Glory.”

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

(Selected)

At the beginning of the Civil War there were United
States troops stationed at Fort Buchanan, but when it became
known that rebel forces intended to come into what is now
Arizona and attach this country to the Southern Confederacy
the force at Buchanan was not sufficient to hold that section
of the country for the Union and the commander of the fort
was ordered to destroy the fort and everything pertaining to
it and proceed to New Mexico and join the federal forces
there. The departure of the federal troops from Fort Bu-
chanan was soon followed by the arrival of a confederate
force under Captain Hunter, an advance guard of Colonel
Sibley, who soon afterwards arrived at Mesilla, where he
issued a proclamation creating Arizona as a territory of the
Southern Confederacy and naming some subordinate officers,
and himself as governor.

Captain Hunter reached Tucson where he established
headquarters and soon headed a force west, going as far as
the Pima Villages. At the Pima Villages he arrested a man
named White, an Indian trader, and captured Captain
McCleve with a small force, being an advance of the Cal-
ifornia Column, which came into Arizona to chase out the
rebels and reinstate Union control in the Arizona country,
which was done.

With the California Column came a number of men who,
after being mustered out of the service, remained here to
become prominent and they had much to do with the early
development of Arizona after it became a territory, by Act
of Congress in 1863.

The following article telling of the creation and composi-
tion of the California Column was written by Brevet Captain
George H. Pettis, first lieutenant California Volunteer
Infantry, who served from 1SG1 to February 15, 1865.

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

This article was published in pamphlet form by the
Historical Society of New Mexico in 1918:

tl Immediately after the first battle of Bull Run, July
24, 1861, Governor John G. Downey, of California, received
from the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, a communica-
tion which said: “The War Department accepts, for three
years, one regiment of infantry and five companies of cavalry,
to guard the Overland Mail Route/ from Carson Valley to
Salt Lake City and Fort Laramie.” This was the first
official action towards organizing troops in California and it
required but a short time to raise the required number of
men and as fast as the companies were mustered in, at the
Presidio, near San Francisco, they were transported across
the bay, to Camp Downej^ near where are now located the
railroad shops, eastward of the Mole.

In the meantime the government at Washington had an
insane idea of preparing an army, on the Pacific, to be com-
posed principally of regulars, then stationed on the coast,
and under the command of General E. V. Summer, who was
in command of the Department of California, then ship them
down the coast to Mazatlan, where they were to disembark
and proceed overland “to western Texas and regain the
public property in that state and draw off insurgent troops
from Arkansas, Missouri, etc.” This movement was not to
General Summer’s taste, although the governor had been
directed to organize four more regiments of infantry and one
of cavalry, to take the place of the regular troops that were
to go on the Texas raid.”

“The First Infantry, with the battalion — five companies
of the First Cavalry— were being well drilled and disciplined
at Camp Downey, when news was received at Department
Headquarters that the Secessionists in the south part of the
state were becoming turbulent and more outspoken and on
September 17 General Sumner ordered Colonel Carleton’s
command to Southern California. The Texas raid was
countermanded by the Washington authorities and an order
was issued for all the regulars to be sent by steamer to New
York as soon as they could be relieved by the volunteers,

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

which movement was immediately undertaken. The First
California Infantry, under Colonel James H. Carleton, and
the First California Cavalry, under Lieutenant Colonel
Benjamin F. Davis, had arrived at San Pedro, the seaport
of Los Angeles and had marched some eighteen miles north
of that village and laid out a camp for fifteen companies,
near a small creek, about three miles east of where Santa
Monica now is and called it “Camp Latham,” in honor of
one of the senators from the state. When the order came
for the relief of the regular troops, Major Edwin A. Riggs, of
the First California Infantry, was sent with several companies
to Fort Yuma. Some of the regulars were at Los Angeles,
(at which point Captain Winfield Scott Hancock, afterwards
Major General, was on duty as captain and assistant quarter-
master), some of the regulars were at San Bernardino and
others were at San Diego. They were, however, all soon
relieved and rendezvoused at San Pedro for shipment to
New York.

The secession element in Southern California, upon the
arrival of the volunteers, became less violent and the effect
of their arrival was salutary. On the 20th of October,
General E. V. Sumner was relieved of the command of the
Department of California by Colonel George Wright, of the
Twelfth U. S. Infantry. Colonel Sumner was lost on the
steamer Brother Jonathan, en route to Oregon. Some weeks
later Colonel Wright was anxious for authority to throw
troops into the State of Sonora and indited several letters to
the War Department for this purpose. November 20th,
Colonel Carleton was called to San Francisco for the purpose
of proceeding to and taking command of the troops on the
overland route via Salt Lake City. Wrhile there, news was
received of the invasion of New Mexico and Arizona, by
General S. H. Sibley, with Texas troops. Wright and
Carleton consulted on a plan to proceed with a command
through Arizona and attack Sibley on his flank and rear.
General Wright made this matter a subject of a communica-
tion to the Wrar Department, under date of December 9th,
18G1, in which he urged the importance of the movement

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

and its feasibility and at the same time he reiterated the
necessity of putting troops into Sonora. The latter propo-
sition never received any support from the authorities at
Washington, but the movement through Arizona was im-
mediately approved and authorized by General McClellan,
as soon as it was submitted to him. About this time, a
number of prominent secessionists, who were anxious to go
east, and show their devotion to the cause of the rebellion,
organized a party in Southern California, and with one
“Dan. Showalter” at their head attempted to get out of the
state but were captured by a detachment of the First Infantry
and were taken, bag and baggage, and landed in Fort Yuma.
Although this made a great deal of talk and noise at the
time, the persons in sympathy with the rebellion throughout
the state announcing that it was an infringement on the
constitutional rights of the citizens to molest them when they
were quietly proceeding along the highways, but these fellows
were caught in the “ chapparell, ” a long way from the road
or trail, where they were trying to avoid the troops. Their
incarceration was approved by the war department.

The movement against the rebels, under Sibley, having
been approved, Fort Yuma was made the starting point of
the expedition and troops were forwarded to that place with
all promptitude, an intermediate camp having been made at
Warner’s Ranch, (a point about half way between Los
Angeles and Fort Yuma), which was named “ Camp right,
in honor of the general commanding the department. Supplies
were being rapidly pushed forward, both by teams across the
Colorado Desert, as well as by water up the Gulf of Cali-

fornia and the Colorado River.”

The “California Column” originally consisted of the
First California Infantry, ten companies, under the command
of Colonel James H. Carleton; First California Cavalry, five
companies, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel E. E.
Eyre; Lieutenant-Colonel Davis having resigned and gone
east, and who was killed at Beverly Ford, Virginia, June 9,
1863; Light Battery A, Third U. S. Artillery, under the
command of Lieutenant John B. Shinn, and Company B,

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Second California Cavalry, under the command of Captain
John C. Cremony. This command contained fifteen hundred
men, well drilled, well disciplined, and all eager to show what
stuff they were made of. Later on the Fifth California
Infantry, under command of Colonel George W. Bowie, was
added, which brought the command up to about 2,350 men,
rank and fde. The advance guard, or detachment, left
“Camp Latham” last, and consisted of Company C, Captain
McMullin, and K, Captain Nicholas S. Davis, First Infantry
and Company B, Captain Charles A. Smith, and -Company
G, Captain Hugh L. Hinds, Fifth Infantry, and followed the
route of those in the advance to “Camp Wright.”

While these movements of the California troops were
being made, General H. S. Sibley had arrived in New Mexico
with about 3,000 men and had relieved Colonel Baylor from
command. Colonel John R. Baylor had arrived in the
territory about the 1st of July, 1861, with several hundred
men of his regiment, the “ Second Texas Mounted Rifles,
Confederate States Army,” and had announced himself as
the Provisional Governor of New Mexico and Arizona.

On July 25, Major Isaac Lynde, 7th U. S. Infantry, who
was in command of Fort Fillmore, which was about three
miles east of La Mesilla, and all the Union forces south of
the “ Jornado del Meurto,” proceeded to attack Baylor’s
forces at La Mesilla and after a desultory assault upon the
village he, (Lynde), in the most cowardly manner, returned
to the adobe walls of Fort Fillmore, having had three men
killed and two officers and four men wounded. On the
morning of the 27th, Lynde vacated the fort and commenced
a retreat for Fort Stanton, having over five hundred men well
equipped, armed and officered.

As soon as Baylor learned of Lynde’s flight, he pursued
him, with less than three hundred poorly armed men and
overtaking him near San Agustin Springs, captured the
whole party, which consisted of seven companies of the 7th
U S. Infantry, and three companies of the U. S. Mounted
Rifles without firing a shot. About this time, an independent
company of rebels was formed under the command of a

■

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

Captain Hunter, who was ordered to proceed to Tucson and
operate down the Gila River as far as Fort Yuma. Sibley
had, soon after his arrival in the territory, gone up the Rio
Grande to find General Canby, as the latter would not go
down the river, and finding Fort Craig too strong to attack,
had avoided it, and crossed the river to the easterly side
within two miles and in plain sight of Craig. His attempting
to reach the river again to get water for his men and stock at
Valverde, just above the “Mesa de la Contedera, brought
on the sanguinary struggle at Valverde, which took place
on the 21st of February, 1862, and which was precipitated by
that gallant soldier and estimable gentleman, Colonel Ben-
iamin S. Roberts, United States Army.

Early in April, the scouts brought in news to rort Yuma
that the rebels had left Tucson and were on their way down
the Gila River, having captured Captain William McCleave
and nine of his Company A, 1st Cavalry, who were scouting
at White’s Mills, near the Pima Villages, and sent them as
prisoners to the Rio Grande. McCleave was soon paroled
and returned to the column. A command, under Captain
William Calloway, consisting of his own Company 1, Is
Infantry, a detachment of Company A, 1st Cavalry, com-
manded by Lieutenant James Barrett, with Lieutenant E.
C. Baldwin, Company D, 1st Cavalry, and a detachment of
Company K, 1st Infantry, under Lieutenant Jeremiah Phelan,
with two mountain howitzers, were sent out from Fort Yuma
to proceed along the Overland Mail route, with Tucson as the
objective point. This command reached the Pima Villages
with no other signs of the rebels than a number of burned
hay stacks along the way, and in due time started from that
point for Tucson. When they were approaching the Picacho
Peak,” the Indian scouts brought in information that a
detachment of the rebels was in the immediate front. The
detachment was ordered to make a wide detour, so as to strike
them in the flank, while Calloway, with the main party, were to
attack in front. The enemy were not found in the immediate
front, but after traveling several miles, on April 15, 186A
rapid firing was heard in advance and arriving upon the spot

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

it was found that Lieutenant Barrett had located the rebels
picket and the first intimation they had of results was that
Lieutenant Barrett and two men were killed and three were
wounded. The rebel loss was two men wounded and three
taken prisoner. The graves of the killed, the Union Lieutenant
and the men, maj' now be seen within twenty feet of the
California Southern Pacific Railroad, as it goes through
“Picacho Pass.” The Union force camped on the ground
that night and the next day Calloway, having lost his head,
ordered a return to be made, against the protests of all his
officers. This party was met near Stanwix Station, by Colonel
West and the “advance detachment,” and all proceeded
forward to the Puna \ illages.

A permanent camp was established at the Pima Villages
and an earth w*ork was thrown up about the flour mill of
Ammi White, who had been carried away, a prisoner, by the
rebels a few weeks before. This earth work was named Fort
Barrett, in honor of the lieutenant who had been killed in
the skirmish at the Picacho Pass. It required several weeks
for the “Column” to get to this point, as only detachments
of not over four companies could move over the route through
Southern California and through the entire length of Arizona,
within twenty-four hours of each other, on account of the
scarcity of water. On the 15th of May, Colonel West and
his advance detachment moved out of the Pima Villages for
Tucson. They left tho overland route at the Sacaton Station,
going via White’s Ranch, through the “Casas Grandes,”
Rattlesnake Springs, and arrived at old Fort Breckenridge,
near the confluence of the Gila and San Pedro rivers, where
the American flag was run up again, on the flag staff of the
fort, amid the hurrahs of the men and the field music playing
the “Star Spangled Banner.”

At this point the Pima Indian herders, who had been
employed to drive along the live stock of the command and
some others, who had been employed as scouts, refused to
go any further and demanded their pay of the quartermaster.
They asserted that the command was too small to take
Tucson; that they were greatly outnumbered by the rebels,

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

and besides there were rifle pits fully manned, more than a
mile in length, to be overcome. They were allowed to return
home. The command encamped that night in the “ Canon
de Oro.” The next day, May 19, a short march of fifteen
miles was made and the party encamped within ten miles of
Tucson. An early reveille on the morning of the 20th, and
the command moved forward w*ith a light step. TV hen it
had arrived within two miles of the. town, Captain Emil
Fritz, Company B, 1st Cavalry, was sent forwaid; the first
platoon to make a detour and come in on the east side of the
town; the second platoon, under Lieutenant Juan Francisco
Guirado, afterwards aide-de-camp on the staff of Brigadier-
General Joseph R. West, in New Mexico, and later in Arkansas
and Missouri, since deceased, was to charge in on the north
side, while the four companies of infantry were to move
directly on the road and come in at the west side of the
town. The programme was completely carried out, as the
three parties came on the plaza of Tucson at the same moment,
the cavalry at a charge and the infantry on the double quick,
but found no enemy. In fact, there was no enemy, nor were
there any people, the only living things found within the
limits of the town were an unsuspected number of dogs and
cats. The rebels, before they had hurriedly left, had publicly
announced that the “Abs” would soon take the fair city,
which would then be given over to the ravages of a brutal
soldiery. The rebels retreated to the Rio Grande accompanied
by a number of desperadoes, amongst whom was the notorious
Judge (?) Ed. McGowan, of San Francisco, of “ Vigilante
Days” fame, who were also rebels at heart, while the Mexican
population, men, women and children, started southward for
the Sonora line. Good quarters were found here for the
troops, and it required two months time, or until July 20th
to get the “Column” assembled here, with food and forage
enough to make another start. Everything, except a small
amount of wheat, which was purchased of the Pima Indians,
was brought by teams from Southern California, via Fort
Yuma, a distance of several hundred miles. No forage or
food could be had in or about Tucson, and the men could eat

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

nearly as much as the few trains could bring up. No news
had been received from the Rio Grande since he column had
commenced its march from California. Several express parties
had been sent forward to open communications with General

Canby, but none had ever returned. .

On June 15th, a party of three persons, consisting of
Sergeant William Wheeling, Company F, 1st Infantry, express-
man John Jones, and a Mexican guide named Chaves left
Tucson with dispatches for General Canby, written on tissue
paper. It was afterwards learned that this party was attached
by Apache Indians as they were emerging out of the Apache
Pass on the 18th; Chaves was killed at the first fire and
Sergeant Wheeling was seriously wounded, ne soon ieli irom
his horse, and was immediatlv dispatched. Thelr 0 'es
were afterwards found horribly mutilated, disemboweled and
“spread-eagled ’’-fires having been built over them- and

were filled with arrows, after the manner of John Apache.
Years afterwards the same fate fell to Jones. Jones escaped
almost by a miracle, and getting through the Indians who
followed him for a long distance, he succeeded after a ride o
over two hundred miles, in reaching the Rio Grande at
Picaclio, a small village about five miles above Mesilla. Here
he was taken prisoner by the rebels, who brought hun i before
Colonel William Steele, who examined him, took his dis-
patches, and threw him into jail. He managed, however, *°
get word to General Canby that he was there, and that the
“California Column” was really coming, an achievement
that was considered absolutely impracticable.

On the 21st of June, a strong rcconnoitermg party of cav-
alrv under Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre, left Tucson for the Rio
Grande. After a hard march they arrived at old Fort Thorn
on July 4th which they found abandoned by the rebels.
H°™ t by a squadron of th, 3rd U. S. Cavalry,

under Captain Howland, and would have proceeded to
attack the rebels at Mesilla, but was obliged to forego that
pleasure, by peremptory orders from Colonel Chivington
1st Colorado Volunteers at Fort Craig, who was in command
of the southern military district of New Mexico, and who

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

was acting under General Canby’s orders, as Colonel Steele
greatly feared he would be overtaken by the California troops,
and in his hurried retreat burned a number of his wagons,
and, destroyed a large amount of ammunition. The rebel forces
were so disheartened and so thoroughly disorganized, that,
had they been attacked by even a small force, they would
have at once surrendered.

On July 9th Thomas L. Roberts, with his Company E.,
1st Infantry, and Captain CremonOy’s Company B, 2nd
Cavalry, and two mountain howitzers, under, command of
Lieutenant William A. Thompson, 1st Infantry, left Tucson
for Rio Dc Sauzc, where they were to establish a camp, having
with them rations and forage for Colonel Eyre’s command,
in case they were forced back by the Texans.

When this command reached Apache Pass, (now Fort
Bowie), they were attacked by a large force of Apache
warriors, under the leadership of “Cochise,” the Indians
having possession of the water at that point. After a stubborn
contest, in which both trails of the mountain howitzers were
broken, in elevating the pieces to reach the Indians upon the
hill where the spring w’as, the Indians were forced to retire
with a loss of nine killed, while the troops suffered a loss of
two killed and two wounded.

On the 20th of July Colonel West, with Companies B,
Captain Valetine Dresher, C, Captain William McMullin,
and K, Lieutenant George H. Pettis, 1st Infantry, and
Company G, Captain Hugh L. Hinds, 5th Infantry left
Tucson for the Rio Grande.

On the 21st, a second command, consisting of Lieutenant
John B. Shinn’s Light Battery A, 3rd U. S. Artillery, and
Company A, Captain Edward B. Willis, 1st Infantry and
Company B, Captain Charles A. Smith, 5th Infantry, left
Tucson for the same destination, under command of Captain
Willis. On the 23rd, Lieutenant Colonel Edwin A. Rigg, with
a third command, consisting of Companies I, Captain William
Calloway, F, Captain Washington L. Parvin, D, Captain Fran-
cis S. Mitchell, and H, Captain Layfayette Hammond all of the
1st Infantry, followed. Each of these detachments had

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

subsistence for thirty days, with a full supply of entrenching
tools. Up to the time of the arrival of the troops at Tucson,
the infantry had packed their knapsacks the entire march,
a notable achievement, considering the nature of the country
— and its lack of resources — through which they had so far
marched, and the fearful heat and thirst which they had
encountered.

General Orders, No. 10. “Headquarters of the Column
from California, dated Tucson, July 17th, 1862,” contained
the following paragraphs: v

“ 10. That every soldier may move forward with a light,
free step, now that we approach the enemy, he will no longer
be required to carry his knapsack.

“11. This is the time when every soldier in this column
looks forward with a confident hope that, he, too, will have
the distinguished honor of striking a blow for the old Stars
and Stripes; when he, too, feels in his heart that he is the
champion of the holiest cause that has ever yet nerved the
arm of a patriot. The general commanding the ‘Column’
desires that such a time shall be remembered by all, but more
particularly by those who, from their guilt, have been so
unfortunate on such an occasion. He therefore orders that
all soldiers under his command, who may be held in confine-
ment, shall be at once relieved. ”

The troops had been in Tucson for two months, from May
20th, to July 20th. After the first alarm, upon the arrival of
the Union troops, scouts were sent forward towards the Sonora
line, and the Mexican residents returned to their homes. A
number of American desperadoes also put in an appearance.
A number of these were arrested by General Carleton, who,
in a letter to General Wright at San Francisco, said, under
date of Tucson, June 10th, 18G2: “I shall send to Fort Yuma,
for confinement, starting them today, nine of the cut-throats,
gamblers, and loafers, who have infested this town to the
great bodily fear of all good citizens. Nearly every one, I
believe had either killed his man or been engaged in helping
to kill him.”

. - A

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

I have always believed that General Carleton wanted me
killed, for he put this detachment under my command to
escort them to the Pima Villages, a distance of nearly two
hundred miles, and gave me a cavalry detachment of ten men,
the worst disciplined ones I ever met. The first night out,
when I was encamped at the “Point of Rocks,” an express
arrived from Colonel West, then in command at Tucson, in
which I was informed that my prisoners had stated before
we left that point, that they would never be taken through
alive, and cautioning me to be ever on the alert or I would
not get through. Carleton did not send me for the honor.
He was much surprised when I returned safe, but not as much
as I was. G. H. P.”

Sylvester J. Mowry, of Rhode Island, who had been an
officer in the U. S. Army, was living near Tucson, at the Pat-
agonia Mine, and being an uncomprising rebel, was arrested,
examined by a military commission, was sent down to Fort
Yuma at this time. Tucson soon became a cleanly and model
town, and the long rest here repaid the command for the
many days of previous marching.

General Carleton, with headquarters of the “California
Column” arrived at Fort Thorn, on August 7th, and im-
mediately communicated with General Canby. The balance
of the “Column” arrived on the Rio Grande in detachments,
as they had left Tucson, one day apart, and by the 15th,
Mesilla was made the headquarters of the district of Arizona,
and had as a garrison companies B, C, D, and Iv, 1st Infantry,
and Company A, 5th Infantry. Shinn’s Light Battery A,
3rd U. S. Artillery, Companies A and E, 1st Infantry, B,
5th Infantry, Band D, 1st Cavalry, and B, 2nd Cavalry, were
sent as a garrison to Fort Fillmore, opposite to and about
three miles from Mesilla. Shinn’s battery being shortly
afterwards sent to the “Cottonwoods” about 25 miles south
of Fort Fillmore, to recruit their horses. Company A, 1st
Infantry, was sent to Franklin, Texas, (now El Paso), to take
care of Simeon Hart’s flour mill and look out for the “mail
carrier” of the rebels — the notorious “Captain Skillman,”
afterwards killed by Captain Albert H. French, at Spencer’s

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Ranch, near Presidio del Norte, April 15th, 1864 on the Rio
Grande, in an attempt to carry the rebel mail into Texas. All
the regular troops were soon relieved and sent up to For
Craig, and the Californians proceeded to Forts Quitman, Bliss,
and Davis, in Texas, and hauled up the Union Flag.

The Southern Overland Mail Route had been opened and
the United States military posts in Arizona, Southern New
Mexico, and Northwestern Texas, had been reoccupied by

troops composing the “California Column. General Carleton

in his report to Assistant Adjutant General Drum, ofthe De-
partment of California, under date of September 20th, 1862,
said: “It was no fault of the troops from California that^the
Confederate forces tied before them. It is but just to say tha,
their having thus fled is mainly attributed to the gallantry of
the troops under General Canbv’s command. That they were
hurried in their flight, by the timely arrival of the advance
cuard of the “California Column” under Lieutenant Colonel
Eyre there cannot be a doubt. The march from the Pacific to
the Rio Grande by the “California Column” was not accom-
plished without immense toil and great hardships, or withou
many privations and much suffering from heat and want
of water. ”

“The march of the 'Column from California’ in the
summer months, across the great desert in the driest season
that has been known for thirty years, is a military achieve-
ment creditable to the soldiers of the American army; but it
would not be just to attribute the success of this march to
any ability on my part. That success was gained only by
the high physical and moral energies of that peculiar class of
officers and men who composed the 4 California Column .
With any other troops I am sure I should have failed

“I send you a set of colors which have been borne by this
column. They were hoisted by Colonel West over Forts
Breckenridge and Buchanan, and over Tucson by Colonel
Eyre over Forts Thorn and Fillmore, and over Mesilla, New
Mexico; and over Fort Quitman, and by Captain Shirland

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

over Fort Davis, in Texas, and thus again have those places
been consecrated to our beloved country. ”

On the 18th of September, 1862, General Carleton assumed
command of the Department of New Mexico, General Canby
having been ordered east by the W ar Department, the
“ Column” was soon distributed throughout the Department,
and active operations commenced against the hostile Indians
— the Apaches and the Navajos. Treason was at a discount
in New Mexico, and no treasonable utterances were allowed;
when anything of this kind was attempted, it resulted in the
person being immediately arrested, confined in the guard
house, and tried by a military commission. The most incor-
rigible of this class of persons, was Samuel J. Jones, the well
known pro-slavery sheriff at Lecompton, Kansas, in 1857
and ’58. Upon the advent of Colonel Baylor’s forces in 1861,
he was the post-sutler at Fort Fillmore, owning a fine estate
at Mesilla, and during the rebel occupation of the territory
he was constantly in hot water with the rebels, but not on
account of political matters, however, as he was an unadulter-
ated fire-eater. After the “Column” arrived in the District
of New Mexico, Jones was brought up in the guard-house
about once a month an average.

When General Carleton assumed command of the Depart-
ment of New Mexico he relinquished the immediate command
of the “California Column” and published the following
order:

Headquarters of the Department of New Mexico
Santa Fe, N. M., Sept. 21st, 1862.

General Orders
No. 85.

In entering upon the duties that remove him from im-
mediate association with the troops constituting the “Column
from California,” the Commanding General desires to express
his grateful acknowledgment of the conduct and services of
the officers and men of that command. Traversing a desert
country, that has heretofore been regarded as impracticable
for the operations of large bodies of troops, they have reached
their destination and accomplished the object assigned them,

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

not only without loss of any kind, but improved in discipline,
in morale, and in every other element of efficiency. That
patient and cheerful endurance of hardships, the zeal and
alacrity with which they have grappled with, and overcome
obstacles that would have been insurmountable to any but
troops of the highest physical and moral energy, the complete
abnegation of self, and subordination of every personal con-
sideration, to the great object of our hopes and efforts, give
the most absolute assurance of success in any field or against
any enemy.

California has reason to be proud of the sons she has sent
across the continent to assist in the great struggle in which
our country is now engaged. The commanding general is
requested by the officer who preceded him in the command
of this department, to express for him the gratification felt
by every officer and soldier of his command at the fact that
troops from the Atlantic and Pacific slope, from the mountains
of California and Colorado, acting in the same cause, inspired
by the same duties, and animated by the same hopes, have
met and shaken hands in the center of this great continent.

(Signed) JAMES H. CARLETON.

Brigadier General U. S. Volunteers,
Commanding Department.

During the years of '63 and ’64 there were continual
reports that the rebels in Texas were organizing expeditions
to retake New Mexico and Arizona, which required a large
force to be kept in the southern part of the territory. They
were, however, kept busy against the Apaches and skirmishes
were numerous, and the duty very hard on account of long
distances between water. Among the memorable events in
1863, was the taking of the celebrated Apache chief “Mangus
Colorado, ” (The Red Sleeve) and his being killed by Captain
E. D. Shirland’s Company C, 1st Cavalry. The old chief
had been taken prisoner in a skirmish, and was confined in a
Sibley tent at old Fort McLean, near the Mimbres river, in
January, 1863. The guard had strict orders that if he at-
tempted to escape, to siioot him. In tlie early morning the

THE CALIFORNIA COLUMN

soldier on guard in rear of the tent, saw “Mangus” rise up
from the tent and started to run. He raised his carbine, fired,
and the scoundrel fell dead in his tracks. He had committed
so many murders and outrages that the question of whether
or not he really attempted to escape, was never satisfactorily
settled — probably on the score that “the only good Indian is
a dead one.” The other event was the expedition against
the Navajos, under the command of Colonel Kit Carson, and
of which Captain Asa B. Carey, 13th U. S. Infantry, who was
since Paymaster General of the U. S. Armyvbut now retired,
was chief commissary of subsistence, was general aid and
military adviser, in which Companies B and D, 1st California
Cavalry, and Companies H and K, 1st California Infantry,
took part. Company G, 1st Infantry, Captain Henry A.
Greene, established on July 3rd, 18G3, Fort McRea, at the
“Ojo del Muerto,” about two miles west of the “Mornado
del Muerto,” and there the captain gained much credit for
his constant and repeated conflicts with the Indians. The
Navajo Expedition, by July, 1864, had been successful in
capturing over 9,000 of the Indians, and they were taken to
Fort Sumner, (“Bosque Redondo”) on the Pecos river, about
five hundred miles from their own home. These Indians were
completely whipped into subjugation, all of their crops and
plantings were destroyed, and all of their stock captured.
They were taken back to their old homes in 1868, and they
have never been on the war path since. A large number of the
“Column” were stationed at Fort Sumner guarding these
prisoners.

During the year 1863, there were three commissioned
officers killed and four wounded; fourteen enlisted men were
killed and twenty-one wounded. Three hundred and one
Indians were killed, eighty-seven wounded and seven hundred
and three taken prisoners. During 1864 there were the
usual number of skirmishes, and the Navajo war was
completed.

Some of the “Column” was in the celebrated “Sand
Creek Fight,” which took place north of the Canadian river
near “Bent’s Old Fort,” Company K, 1st Infantry and

■

9g ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Companies D and B, 1st Cavalry, were as far east as Fort
Dodge, Kansas, escorting trains. In Carson’s fight with the
Comanche and Kiowa Indians, November 25th, on the
Canadian river, at the Adobe Walls, the Column was
represented by detachments from Company B, Captain Emil
Fritz, 1st Cavalry, and Company K, 1st Infantry, Lieutenant
George H. Pettis. Major William McCleave, 1st Cavalry,
was second in command.

During this year there was one commissioned officer
killed and two wounded, six enlisted men killed, and twenty-
three wounded. Three hundred and sixty-three Indians were
killed, one hundred and forty wounded. Eight thousand
and ninety-three were taken prisoners in the Department of
New Mexico.

Nine companies of the 1st California Infantry, and the
five original companies of the 1st California Cavalry, were
discharged in August and September, 1864, their term of
service having expired. On January 20th, 1865, John W ilson,
the last enlisted man of Company K, the tenth company of
the 1st California Infantry, was discharged. On February
15th, Lieutenant George H. Pettis, of said Company K, was
mustered out at Santa Fe, New Mexico, by Captain Asa B.
Carey, Thirteenth United States Infantry, Chief Mustering
Officer, when the record of the “California Column” ceased.’ *

-1 ^ ..... *1 .l.r Alri.ll,>.

KINO MEMORIAL COMMITTEE

(Dean Frank C. Lockwood)

Some weeks ago, in the course of a lecture delivered in
the University Auditorium on The Early Spanish Missionaries
in Arizona the lecturer made the following statement and
suggestion:

“On May 28, 1700, Emanuel Gonzales,
commenting on Kino’s belief that California
could be entered by land, wrote: Tf you

accomplish this we must erect to you a rich
and famous statue.’ I have longed to find
some picture or statue of Kino; but I have
been unable to find trace of any likeness of
him. What would be a finer tribute to this
greatest of all Arizona pioneers than the
erection even at this late date of an ideal-
ized statue of him at San Xavier, which he
founded, or in Tucson?”

Almost immediately the suggestion met with a hearty
response from the newspapers, from prominent pioneers, and
from men and women in all ranks of life, without respect to
sect or nationality. Almost spontaneously a local committee
came together to consider suitable steps for promoting the
project. The members of the original group are Mrs. Sam
Hughes, Mr. Mose Drachman, Mrs. George Kitt, Mr. Albert
Steinfeld, Mr. Fred Ronstadt, Father Victor Stoner, Dean
Frank C. Lockwood, and Mr. Ed. Vail. The local committee
thought it wise to enlarge the committee so that it might
include representative men and women from different parts
of the state, and, indeed, from the whole southwest.

Accordingly letters were sent to about a score of leading
citizens who were likely to be interested in such an under-
taking, inviting them to become members of a Kino Memorial
Committee. Up to this time the following people have res-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

ponded favorably and enthusiastically: Mr. M. J. Riordan,
of Flagstaff, Professor Herbert E. Bolton of Berkeley, Cali-
fornia Jud°e E. W. Wells, of Prescott, Mrs. Wm. H. Biophy,
5 Kelly and Clone. J. H.

Phoenix, Judge Frank Duffy of Nogales, Mrs. L. J. Tuttle of
Douglas, Mr. Charles M. Reneaud of Pearce Captain L. W
Mix of Nogales, President R. B. von KlemSmid of Lo
Aneeles Mr. F. C. Struckmeyer of Phoenix, Mrs. Katherine
MacRae of Coolidge, and Mr. Frank Pinckley of Casa Grande.
Several other acceptances will no doubt be received in the
near future. The promptness and cordiality of the responses
so far received, and the eminent fitness of the men and women
on the committee to carry out the work in a suitable manner
insure the realization of this worthy civic ideal

The fact that such citizens, scholars, and religious leaders
as Mr. M. J. Riordan, Professor Herbert E. Bolton, and
Father Victor Stoner have shown an active interest in the
plan is significant. Mr. M. J. Riordan in a letter to a member
of the committee made the following suggestion:

“This work to be well done should come
from the hearts and not merely from the
pockets. To that end it should be an
educative process, extending over a period of
years and gathering momentum as it goes.

I would much prefer having ten thousand
contributions of fifty cents apiece, than ten
contributions of five hundred dollars each,
since the former would indicate love and
the latter money, and if there is one thing
that Kino did not have because he despised
it, it was money. I hope that the movement
you have begun will expand as all true
works of art and love should expand with
the maturity of time.

Just one thought more, “Kino’s delight
was,” like his Master’s, “to be among the

KINO MEMORIAL COMMITTEE

children of men,” and, conversely, the de-
light of the children of men should be to have
Kino right in the whirl of them. With this
in mind his bronze figure, standing stark on
an Arizona boulder set in the intersection of
the busiest street in Tucson, should be the
place. Put him where all men can be under
his benediction and they will learn to rever-
ence him and even to swerve traffic a twelve-
inch or so out of reverence for him. ”

Professor H. E. Bolton of the University of California,
an eminent specialist on the Spanish Southwest, and author
of Kino's Memoirs of Pimeria Alta , writes as follows:

“I am very much interested in what you
say in your letter of November 28. I think
that it is highly appropriate that Arizona
citizens should erect a statue to their great
pioneer, Father Kino. If I can be of any
real service to you I shall be quite willing
to accept membership on the committee
which you propose to appoint. Unfortun-
ately, I have not been able to find a portrait
of Father Kino, but I have not yet exhaust-
ed all possibilities and I am still on the
hunt.”

Other suggestions of like nature have already come into
the hands of the committee.

At a well attended meeting of the committee, held at the
rooms of the Arizona Pioneer’s Historical Society in Tucson,
December 13, it was unanimously voted that steps be taken
to raise ten thousand dollars for a suitable monument; that
the project be carried forward for some time as an educational
process in order to acquaint young and old with the beauty,
dignity, and greatness of Father Kino’s character and with
his service to mankind in Arizona; that the statue be erected

100

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

at some suitable central, historical spot in Tucson, and that
the committee organize as the Kino Memorial Committee.
Dean Frank C. Lockwood was elected chairman, Mrs.
George Kitt, secretary, and Mr. Mose Drachman, treasurer.
It was voted that this general statement be given to the press
of the state, to be followed by other information from time
to time; and it was further voted that Father Victor Stoner
take steps to secure suitable publicity for the project through-
out the southwest.

It is the plan during the spring to promote public meet-
ings at various points in the state in order to arouse interest
in the memorial, and convey information about Father Kino
through interesting addresses by speakers qualified to speak
about Father Kino and his service to Arizona and the
southwest.

NOTARY PUBLIC FOR FIFTY-SIX YEARS

101

NOTARY PUBLIC FOR FIFTY-SIX YEARS

Geo. W. Hance,. of Camp Verde, Arizona, has again been
commissioned as a notary public, after a notarial service of
fifty-six years. His letter to Governor Hunt, asking for a
renewal of his notary commission for the fifteenth time,
contains numerous historical reminders and is here given in
full with the reply of the governor:

Camp Verde, Arizona
February 21, 1928

Hon. Geo. W. P. Hunt
Governor of Arizona
My dear Governor:

This is the fifteenth time I have asked the Chief Executive
of Arizona, as a territory and state, to appoint me a notary
public; the first was Governor Safford and you twice or three
times. My present commission expires on the 28th instant,
which completes fifty-six years as a notary public, and I
really think I am the dean of the faculty. In all that time I
have never had a paper rejected by any court.

I have spent almost sixty years of my life in Arizona,
putting in sixty Christmases and New Years and eighty
Christmases and New Years on the journey of life. But I
will not arrive at the eightieth mile post until October 7.
Bible history tells us that Noah and his family outlived all
who lived before the flood, but excepting Hon. Ed. W. Wells
and Hon. J. W. Sullivan, I have outlived all voters who were
here when I came. Jerry Sullivan came with me.

Indians were considered very bad when I came to Arizona.
There were nineteen men and one boy in our party and I was
the boy. The Indians killed eight men and wounded four
others of our crowd or party the first year. Included among
the wounded was Hon. Jerry W. Sullivan. That white spot
on Jerry’s neck was the mark of an Indian arrow’.

I have the name of having a good memory but going back

102

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

in memory from the time of my arrival in Arizona until the
advent of General Crook, the Indians were really angels of
peace compared to the bootleg-drunken automobile drivers,
in so far as respecters of life at that time and now are con-
cerned. If there is any doubt of it time will bring people to
that way of thinking the same as time brought the people
to your way of thinking in the Colorado River Boulder
Canyon proposition. I am one who has changed. When I
came to Verde Valley there were two ranches and twTo ditches
and about 200 acres of land in cultivation and not more than
a dozen citizens. Now there are sixty-seven ditches and
about 10,000 acres of land in cultivation, about 1,000 acres
of which are in fruit of various kinds. There were no settle-
ments near Cottonwood, Clarkdale, Clemenceau or Jerome,
and not a habitation of any kind east of here in all Arizona.

I w*as territorial census marshal in 1880. That gave
Yavapai County four members of the council and eight
members of the house. There wrere about as many people
building the Santa Fe Railroad as there were in the balance
of Yavapai County.

I am also the first secretary of any body of men calling
themselves republicans that ever met in Arizona, which was
in August, 1880. Clark Churchill was president; ex-Governor
John J. Cosper was vice-president; W. C. Bashford wras
treasurer and Geo. W. Ilance the secretary. I turned over to
Frank Murphy the book after carrying it over a week with
one hundred and seventy-two names in it and in that book
there were the names of some mighty good men. I think it is
with some of his papers, perhaps in possession of his widow\

Governor, I wish you would make my commission expire
February 28, 1932. I will file a bond to cover that date, and
if the $2.50 does not cover the expense in the secretary's
office, I will make it good. Now’ this is sort of a business
letter as w’ell as an historical reminder. Begging your pardon
for the valuable time I am taking up udth you, and wdth my
highest sentiment of regard for you, I am very truly

Your friend,

(Signed) Geo. W. Hance

NOTARY PUBLIC FOR FIFTY-SIX YEARS

103

Office of the Governor
Phoenix, Arizona

February 25, 1928

Dear Mr. Hance:

I am taking great pleasure in issuing the necessary order
for you to be commissioned for the fifteenth time as an
Arizona Notary Public.

I wish there were some way that the state could issue you
an honorary commission for life as a small recognition of your
splendid sendee to Arizona.

I have a feeling of deep appreciation of the debt which
our state owes to the early white pioneers such as yourself.

Your letter contains so much valuable historical informa-
tion and other interesting comment that I am taking the
liberty of giving copies of it to the press of the state.

If you have not already done so, I think your recollections
of early Arizona history should be gotten into shape for the
files of the office of the state historian, Major Geo. H. Kelly.

With very kindest wishes and the sincere hope that you
will be spared for many more years of happiness and useful-
ness, I am

Very sincerely yours,

(Signed) Geo. W. P. Hunt
Governor

Mr. Geo. W. Hance
Camp Verde, Arizona

104

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

DEATH OF HON. FRANK H. HEREFORD

Recently the announcement of the death of Hon. Frank
H. Hereford, the well known attorney of Tucson, was carried
by the Arizona press. He was a son of the late Ben Hereford,
who was among the first white settlers to arrive in Tucson
after that town had been brought to an orderly state, as a
result of the coming of the California Column.

Frank H. Hereford was born in California, at Sacramento,
in 1861. His mother died when he was six years old and he
lived with relatives during his school dajrs until 1877, when he
accompanied his father to Tucson where he resided until his
death. He received his college education at Oakland, Santa
Clara and San Jose, California. He studied law with his
father in Tucson and was admitted to practice in 1885. Mr.
Hereford was not only a successful attorney but he was also
a successful business man being prominent in the manage-
ment of several important business interprises, among them
the Consolidated National Bank and the La Osa Cattle
Company. He was private secretary to F. A. Tritle, Governo r
of Arizona during the eighties. Mr. Hereford made a specialty
of mining law and at times numbered some of the important
mining companies of Arizona as his clients.

No man stood higher as a citizen or as an attorney in
Arizona and his passing away brought sorrow to the hearts
of all who knew him throughout the state. In recent years
he lived rather a retired life, but business in the courts and
state departments brought him, occasionally, to Phoenix
where he always received a warm welcome.

HON. CHAS. M. SHANNON-ARIZONA PIONEER-PASSES AWAY 105

Hon. Chas. M. Shannon-Arizona Pioneer-Passes Away

Hon. Chas. M. Shannon, for many years a resident of
Arizona, died at his home in Los Angeles, California, on
March 1. The newspapers of Arizona carried announcements
of the death of Mr. Shannon which saddened the hearts of
many old time friends of “Charlie” Shannon in this state.

C. M. Shannon first visited Arizona in 1S72, when with his
uncle, Robert Metcalf, Ike Stevens and others, he came from
Silver City to Clifton to look over what had been reported
valuable mineral deposits. As a result of this visit a number
of mineral locations were made by Robert Metcalf and
young Shannon, then twenty years old, also located several
claims. Metcalf did considerable development work and
finally sold out his holdings to the Leszynsky Brothers,
deeding a remnant of claims to his nephew. Shannon held
these copper claims until 1899, when he sold them to W. B.
Thompson, now of the Magma Copper Company, at Superior,
and they became the basis on which was promoted the
Shannon Copper Company.

During the time from 1872 to 1899 Shannon clung to his
copper claims, never doubting their value, but never able to
attract the necessary capital for their development. He did
assessment work regularly until patents were finally obtained
from the government. He lived for a number of years at
Silver City, New Mexico, where he engaged in the newspaper
business, but the desire for Arizona abided with him and at
one time in the early eighties he established a newspaper at
Globe, but did not remain there long. About the year 1890
Shannon returned to Clifton where he resided until after
the sale of his mining property. In 1892 he was elected as a
member of the territorial council from Graham County and
in the same year was chosen as the Arizona member of the
National Democratic Committee. In 1893 he was appointed
to the office of collector of internal revenue in what was then
the District of New Mexico and Arizona, serving for four

106

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

years with his headquarters at Santa Fe, New Mexico.
During the nineties the people of Arizona were hopeful that
the territory would be admitted as a state and Mr. Shannon,
in that event, no doubt would have been a strong contender
for the governorship of the new state. Many of his admirers
among democratic leaders had so decided.

After disposing of his mines in the Clifton district, Mr.
Shannon located in Tucson where he built the original Santa
Rita Hotel. This he sold, soon after its completion, when he
went to Los Angeles where he resided until called by death,
making occasional trips back to his beloved Arizona.

Charlie Shannon was one of the most likable men m
Arizona during his long residence here; he was a man of
jovial disposition and without any bad habits to detract
from his manhood.

HON. EDW. D. TUTTLE PASSES AWAY

107

Hon. Edw. D. Tuttle Passes Away.

Hon. Edw. D. Tuttle, who wrote the article in this issue
of the ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW entitled “Arizona
Begins Law Making,” giving incidents and accomplishments
of the First Arizona Territorial Legislature, which was con-
vened at Prescott in 1864, died at his home in Los Angeles
on March 16, 1928. He was always a patriotic citizen of
this country. His grandfathers, Tuttle and Taylor, were
heroes of the Revolutionary War; his father was a soldier in
the War of 1812, while he, himself, served in the Civil War,
and his son, Arthur L., was a soldier in the Spanish-American
War, participating in the entire Cuban campaign as one of
the famous Rough Riders Regiment.

Edw. D. Tuttle, when a lieutenant in the Federal army,
was stationed at Fort Mohave, on the Colorado River, in
1864, when he was elected as a member of the First Arizona
Territorial Legislature. He returned to the army after this
legislative session and was a quartermaster's clerk at Yuma
when supplies were being forwarded from that point to
various military posts in Arizona.

Some years later he went to Safford, Arizona, and held
the office of justice of the peace, when that part of the Gila
Valley belonged to Pima County. When Graham County
was created by the legislature, in 1881, he was appointed
clerk of the district court, and later filled other important
offices in that county. He was always prominent in the
early industrial development of Graham County. He was
born in New York in the year 1834. In 1905 he sold his
ranch and other property in Graham County and went to
Los Angeles, California, where he has since resided.

ARIZONA HISTORY FOR SALS

the ri -e of the -hue His- ori.au, C -ol Buy
Phoenix, Amcna. ere for -He i). '■ :h>v.-. :. ' . published

h'. the State:

F r : h iT is to ry , Vo 1 1 s mes 1 : ; : C 2

Price ? o ■? • r v >it:uie

M c : mon Se** h • . " h A u, ..a

Price zZ.W

■

—

Legislative History of Arizona-— -I ro 1912
Price $2.vj

Apri? .'Cumber Ari:: or.:'> tfistorical ?.evf«w

Price Vc a

ARIZONA HISTORICAL
REVIEW

CONTENTS

Editorial Geo. H. Kelly

Geronimo By John P. Clum

The River Colorado E. D. Tuttle

A Pioneer Woman’s Story Sarah Butler York

Pete Kitchen Dean F. C. Lockwood

Inspecting Historic Missions Wm. Delbridge

Vol. 1 JULY, 1928 No. 2

Published Qujrier'y by

ARIZONA STATE HISTORIAN

PHOENIX, ARIZONA
Application for Mailing as Second Class Mail

3 •

Eastman Kodaks and Supplies
Developing and Printing Mail Orders Solicited

PARTICULAR PRESCRiPTIONISTS

W ayiana s <ue n i r a i i fia& mai >

Center and Washington

MONROE PHARMACY

Phoenix M oni’oc at Central Aiizona

ARIZONA

Historical Review

A QUARTERLY
SUBSCRIPTION $3.C0 PER YEAR

Volume 1 JULY, 1928 Number 2

STATE CAPITOL BUILDING

• •

Arizona Historical Data

The territory now included within the limits of Arizona was
acquired by virtue of treaties concluded with Mexico in 1848 and
in 1854. Previous to that time this country belonged to Mexico as
a part of Sonora.

The act cutting Arizona away from the territory of New
Mexico was passed by the United States congress and signed by
President Abraham Lincoln on February 24, 1863.

Governor John N. Goodwin and other territorial officials reached
Navajo Springs, now in Navajo County, on December 29, 1863,
where, on that date, the governor issued a proclamation inaugurating
the territorial government.

The first Arizona territorial legislature was convened in Pres-
cott, the temporary capital, September 26, 1864. Territorial capital
located in Tucson, November 1, 1867, under an act of the legislature.
The territorial capital was relocated at Prescott the first Monday in
May, 1877. On February 4, 1889, the territorial capital was per-
manently located at Phoenix, where it has remained since.

Arizona became a state on February 14, 1912, by virtue of a
congressional act passed in 1911.

The officers appointed by President Lincoln, who were respon-
sible for the first Arizona territorial government were: John N.

Goodwin, of Maine, Governor; Richard C. McCormick, of New York,
Secretary of the Territory; William F. Turner, of Iowa, Chief Jus-
tice; William T. Howell, of Michigan and Joseph P. Allyn, of Con-
necticut, associate justices; Almon Gage, of New York, attorney
general; Levi Bashford, of Wisconsin, Surveyor General; Milton B.
Duffield, of New York, U. S. Marshal; Charles D. Poston, of Ken-
tucky, Superintendent Indian affairs.

The first Arizona State officials, elected in 1911, included the
following: George W. P. Hunt, Governor; Sidney P. Osborn, Sec-

retary of State; J. C. Callaghan, State auditor; D. F. Johnson, State
treasurer; C. 0. Case, Superintendent of Public instruction; W. P.
Geary, F. A. Jones and A. W. Cole, Corporation Commissioners;
Alfred Franklin, Chief Justice; D. L. Cunningham and H. D. Ross,
Associate Justices of the Supreme Court.

EDITORIAL

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW IS
WELL RECEIVED

The office of the State Historian is much pleased at
the manner of the reception of the first number of the
ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW, which was mailed
on April 1.

The press of the state was liberal in space given for
announcements of the first appearance of the publica-
tion and generous in commending its excellence.- Indi-
viduals, both by letter and orally, have given words of
praise of the ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW.

A few of the highly appreciated press comments are
here given:

(From the Arizona Daily Star)

“For a long time Major Geo. H. Kelly, State Historian
of Arizona, has been threatening to turn magazine
editor, and now he has just turned out the first number
of the ‘Arizona Historical Review/ a quarterly published
in Phoenix. The April issue is a credit to the state
where it is published, and to the fearless democrat who
edits the magazine. It is illustrated with a number of
photographs. What is desired are stories telling of the
establishment and progress of all the enterprises and
creditable features of the state, according to Major
Kelly. Arizona has long needed a periodical publica-
tion devoted exclusively to historical subjects. Major
Kelly's new magazine fills the need admirably. All of
us wish the new Review and its genial editor a long
and happy life."

(From the Arizona Gazette)

“The first copies of the new ARIZONA HISTORICAL
REVIEW, to be issued quarterly by the Arizona State
Historian’s office, were being mailed out today (March
27). Nearly 200 copies have been mailed to paid-in-
advance subscribers, and State Historian Geo. H. Kelly
stated that arrangements were being made to have the
new publication placed on sale at leading news-stands
and book-tsores throughout the state. The first issue
contains 110 pages replete with vivid and interesting
glimpses into the historical past of early Arizona, along

g ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

with a number of illustrations. The Review is bound in
magazine form; is prefaced by an article by its editoi
and publisher. Major Kelly, explaining the purpose of
the publication, its aims and objectives.

(From the Phoenix Messenger)

“The first number of the ARIZONA HISTORICAL
REVIEW, a quarterly historical magazine, has been
received by the Messenger. The first issue contains 107
pages filled with interesting stories telling of th„
earliest days of this country, including the various expe-
ditions of the Spanish Conquistadores four hundied
vears ago the coming of the Kearney Military Com-
mand, which established United States authority in
New Mexico and California. Another article tells of
the efforts which finally resulted in cutting Arizona
awav from New Mexico and converting it into a terri-
tory The late Hon. Edward D. Tuttle writes an in-
teresting story about conditions and incidents which
featured the First Arizona Territorial Legislature, which
was held at Prescott, the first territorial capital, in
1864. Several other interesting stories are m this first

issue.

(From the Douglas Dispatch) -

“There has come to hand Volume 1, Number 1, oi
the ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW, a quarterly
publication which has just been launched by Maj.
Geoge H. Kelly, Arizona State Historian.

“From both a literary and typographical standpoint,
the publication shows evidence of a new venture well

W<“As a^text book on the romantic history of the state,
which entertains as well as instructs, Major KeUy is to
be congratulated on the success that has attended his

*n “The6 HISTORICAL REVIEW is opened by a clear-cut
and concise recital of the high spots in the state s his-
tory, prepared by Major Kelly. . .

“It seems that the Historical Review has a place m
every public school in the state, as supplemental reading
to text book studies of the history of the state.

“Major Kelly has set himself a high standard to main-
tain in subsequent numbers of the Review, but judging

EDITORIAL

from the first number, the historical fount of Arizona is
capable of pouring out a rich stream of interesting and
instructive facts with no danger of a drouth intervening.

“The high character of the articles contributed show
that Major Kelly, in conceiving the quarterly Review,
fills a long felt want of the patriotic citizens of the state,
who may say with the poet:

“ ‘Breathes there a man with soul so dead,

Who never to himself hath said,

This is my own, my native land’.”

(From the Coconino Sun)

“The first edition of the ARIZONA HISTORICAL
REVIEW, published by Major Ceo. H. Kelly, state his-
torian, has been sent out from his office. The HIS-
TORICAL REVIEW will be published quarterly. The
first edition is good and we believe it will grow in value
as a historical record very rapidly as it is brought to the
attention of the pioneers of the state. ”

The article in this issue, entitled “Geronimo,” was
written by John P. Clum and appeared in the New
Mexico Historical Review on January 1, this year. It is
reproduced in this publication by consent of Mr. Clum,
a man wTho is quite capable to recount Indian history in
Arizona and who has made a study of the character of
Geronimo, for years leader of a desperate band of rene-
gade Apaches. Another and continuing story of “Ge-
ronimo” by Mr. Clum will appear in the October num-
ber of the Arizona Historical Review.

Hon. W. H. Stillwell, 79 years old, died in the St.
Joseph hospital, Phoenix, on Tuesday, May 8th. Judge
Stillwell was an honored pioneer of Arizona, having re-
sided in the territory and state 47 years. He was born
in St. Lawrence County, New York, in 1849. He arrived
in Arizona in 1881, as an appointee of President Hayes,
to the position of associate Justice of the Supreme Court.
In that year he organized the district courts in Graham
and Cochise counties, they both having been created by
the territorial legislature that year. After his term on
the bench, Judge Stillwell, 35 years ago, removed to
Phoenix and began the practice of law, which he con-
tinued to the end of his life. Both as judge and lawyer

■ J

■

EDITORIAL

he was successful. At all times he devoted his energies
to the growth, development and welfare of Arizona, and
his death brought regret from a large acquaintance
throughout Arizona. During the Spanish-American war
he offered his service to his country and was commis-
sioned a major in one of the Arizona regiments.

OLD GOVERNORS’ MANSION, PRESCOTT

EDITORIAL

THE OLD GOVERNOR’S MANSION

The “Old Governor’s Mansion,” at Prescott, is being
brought into service again, by no less a personage than
Miss Sharlot M. Hall, well known historian and writer
of poetry, descriptive of Arizona habits and scenery.

Miss Hall, having recently come into possession of
this historic building, is now engaged in clearing away
the accumulation of dirt, lodged there during many
years of desertion. Writing to the State Historian, re-
cently, Miss Hall, during a breathing space from her
scrubbing activities, said : “I am working on this old

house to make it habitable again — and that is a job
which makes me glad that I can use a broom, shovel,
hoe, wheelbarrow and mop ; the dirt here undoubtedly
dates back to 1864 and I doubt if it has ever been
cleaned out in all the years since the first governor
moved in.”

Isn’t that splendid! This old mansion was built to
house Governor John N. Goodwin, the first executive
of the Territory of Arizona, after the territorial capital
had been located there at Prescott, with the beginning
of that frontier town. In this mansion Governor Good-
win entertained the members of the first territorial leg-
islature and met with committees having under consider-
ation more important matters of legislation.

Miss Hall is filled with enthusiasm over the possession
of her new home and we understand it to be her inten-
tion to feature it with everything possible which will be
typical of Arizona, her beloved state. Here she will
have her already important Arizona historical library
and within and on its walls will be displayed articles to
remind those who view them of all ages in this country
— pre-historic, ancient and modern ; sands of the Painted
Desert, specimens from the Petrified Forest; relics from
the Hopi and Moqui pueblo Indian villages; specimens
of desert growth, animal and vegetation.

No one is more capable of selecting adornments
typical of Arizona than Miss Hall, and when she has
the Old Governor’s Mansion furnished to her liking it
will be something worth while as a keepsake of this
state.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Readers of the HISTORICAL REVIEW will be inter-
ested to know that Miss Hall has promised a manu-
script, dealing with the “Old Mansion,” for future use
in its pages, also a manuscript telling of some of the
pioneer women of Arizona.

EDITORIAL

PIONEER REUNION

The 1928 reunion was held in Phoenix on April 17-18,
and scored a record attendance of Arizona Pioneers.
This annual reunion of those who have resided in
Arizona for thirty-five years, is sponsored by the
Arizona Republican, that paper paying all the expenses
for badges, barbecue, etc. Two bands donated their
services in providing music, and several hundred auto-
mobile owners in Phoenix this year turned out to carry
the pioneers from the Republican office to Riverside
Park, where there was a program including singing,
music and speaking.

The speakers included Governor Geo. W. P. Hunt;
President Chas. M. Clark, of the reunion association;
Uncle John M. Orme, ex-president of the association;
Miss Sharlot M. Hall, Arizona historian and poet, and
Mrs. George Kitt, secretary of the Arizona Pioneers
Historical Society, of Tucson. All the speakers were
introduced by Dwight B. Heard, head of the Republican
organization, who presided.

Governor Hunt spoke of the pioneer spirit, which he
commended in the highest terms; “A spirit,” he de-
clared, that made it possible for later-comers to enjoy
homes and prosperity in Arizona,” and a spirit, which
could be depended on to fight for the rights of Arizona
now, in what he declared as the greatest crisis that
ever confronted Arizona, meaning the present contro-
versy over the development of, the Colorado river. He
extended a cordial welcome of the pioneers in Phoenix,
as governor of the state, and expressed the hope that
they might all be spared for a long time to continue to
enjoy life in the state where they had done much to
plant civilization, industry and prosperity.

Miss Hall spoke of the pioneer women of the state,
and painted a vivid picture of the hardships which were
encountered and overcome by early-comers, who as-
sisted their fathers, brothers and husbands in protecting
the home and winning a livelihood in the new country.
Miss Hall is a pleasing speaker, with the faculty of
reciting facts and firng them with graceful eloquence.
She told about having acquired the old governor's man-
sion, in Prescott, and of her intention and efforts to

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

make of it a comfortable home, where she will preserve
the historical feature and add as many more as possible
by collecting Arizona relics.

Chas. M. Clark, president of the reunion association,
was most earnest in his welcoming words for the pio-
neer. He spoke in behalf of the Arizona Pioneers'
Historical Society, with headquarters and origin in
Tucson, saying that this society was entitled to a more
liberal support by the state, and urging each pioneer to
make it his duty to impress this righteous need on every
member of the legislature which will be convened next
winter.

Mrs. Kitt spoke words of welcome for the pioneers,
and acquitted herself well in relating many historical
incidents and in recounting the hardships endured by
the Arizona pioneer women. Mrs. Kitt, as secretary of
the Arizona Pioneers' Historical Society, has, during
the past two years, done much to revive and stimulate
interest in that society. She is continually urging pio-
neers to write an account of their experiences and about
interesting incidents in the early days, of which they
have knowledge.

After the speaking program, the hundreds of pioneers
present were led to the barbecue tables where great
quantities of well cooked beef, frijole beans, pickles,
bread and coffee awaited the assault, which was vigor-
ous and hearty, bringing most satisfying results.

Then the crowd began to gather at the park dancing
pavilion, where several hours were devoted to old-time
square dances — Virginia Reels — to the music, too, of
old times, being by an expert “hoe-down" fiddler.

On Thursday the business session was held, in the
Columbia Theater, Chas. M. Clark and other officers
being re-elected. In the evening the festivities of the
reunion were concluded with a grand ball at the
Armory, on Jefferson Street. On this occasion some of
the old-timers proved that besides being good at “heel-
and-toe" dancing, they were graceful in gliding over
the floor in the more modern dances.

EDITORIAL

BIOGRAPHIES WANTED

The Arizona State Historian is very anxious to have
biographical sketches of members of the State Constitu-
tional Convention, held in 1910, along with similar
sketches of other prominent men and women of the
state and the territory prior to statehood. The State
Historian is giving considerable attention to this matter
in order to preserve for future years the history of the
state. It is suggested that you send to the Arizona
State Historian, at Phoenix, the necessary data con-
cerning these characters indicated above, living or dead,
so this matter can be properly attended to before it is
lost. The states owes this much to the men who have
done so much to make this country what it is; we also
owe this much to the state and the future generations
of Arizona. These men are fast passing away and if
we are to preserve stories of their activity in Arizona,
no time should be lost in securing the necessary data!
The State Historian has several biographical volumes of
citizens of Arizona, but there are a great many worthy
men and women whose names do not appear in either
“Biographical,” published in 1900; “Who's Who In
Arizona,” published in 1913; or in the McClintock His-
tory, published in 1916.

— — «

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

GERONIMO

*(By John P. Clum)

Apache Pass will ever be intimately associated with
Apache Indian history, and especially with the life
stories of Cochise and Geronimo. There, for two or
three decades, the former was a dominant figure as
chief of the Chiricahuas, and there, a little later, the
latter made his debut as a notorious renegade.

Many of our readers may not at once recall the exact
location of Apache Pass, but if a little more than half
a century ago they had been travelers along the old
Southern Overland Stage Road, between El Paso and
San Diego, they would distinctily remember this pass
as the most dangerous section of that route because ol
frequent and savage attacks by bands of marauding
Apaches.

The pass is a picturesque depression or divide in
Southeastern Arizona, separating the Chiricahua Moun-
tains on the south from the Dos Cabezas range on the
north, and affording reasonably easy grades for the
famous overland highway, which for so many years
threaded a sinuous course through its scenic defiles.

Away back yonder in those “early days” — about
I860 — a small detachment of United States troops ar-
rived in Apache Pass from New Mexico and established
a military post in the midst of the canyon recesses,
which later became well known as Fort Bowie, and in
1872, by special order of General O. O. Howard, the
Chiricahua Indian Agency was located about a mile
west of the fort. And there I found these two import-
ant government outposts when I first visited that his-
toric section in June, 1876.

Glancing backward about three-quarters of a century,
we find that the Apaches who then roamed in Ameri-
can territory continguous to the international line, were
under the leadership of two capable and daring chiefs
— Mangus Colorado and Cochise. The former held
sway in southwestern New Mexico and the latter in
southeastern Arizona, and General O. O. Howard states
that these two chiefs were brothers. It is alleged that few,

* — Copyrighted by the Author, 1928.

GERONIMO

if any, depredations were then committed in American
territory by the Indians under Cochise,

But a new and bloody chapter in Apache history was
entered upon with the establishment of the military post
in Apache Pass in 1860. Lieut. G. W. Bascom was the
officer in command. Soon after his arrival he induced
Cochise, with a brother and another relative, to come to
the military camp for a talk. Having these Indians in
his power he made them prisoners. Cochise cut a hole
in the back of the tent in which he was confined, and
escaped with only a slight gunshot wound in one leg.
The other two Indians were hanged by Bascom. Cochise
vowed that he would avenge the treachery practiced
toward himself and the killing of his relatives. Thus
began a bloody strife with this band of Apaches which
was destined to continue nearly thirteen years.

Early in 1863, Mangus Colorado was made a prisoner
through a treacherous plot similar to that adopted by
Bascom at Apache Pass. Mangus was being guarded at
night in an adobe structure within the little hamlet of
Apache Tejo, near Silver City, N. M., and while he was
sleeping a guard prodded him with a hot bayonet.
Mangus leaped up with a yell and was promptly shot.
The guards alleged that he was trying to escape. This
occurred in February, 1863. I passed through Apache
Tejo early in May, 1877, with Geronimo as a prisoner,
and the story of the killing of Chief Mangus was re-
lated to me then by Indians who were familiar with
the circumstances.

Although the powerful Mangus was dead, he left
many daring and willing friends who were neither slow
nor ineffective in bloody deeds of retaliation. Most
prominent among these avengers was the young chief
Ponce, who, nine years later — in 1872 — was one of the
two Apaches who conducted General 0. O. Howard
into Cochise’s Stronghold, and whom five years still
later, I held as a prisoner with Geronimo and other
renegades when we passed through Apache Tejo in
1877.

It was about 1870 that President Grant promulgated
what was popularly termed his “Peace Policy” in con-
nection with the management of the Indians. Ever since
the hanging of the two Indians at Apache Pass by
Lieut. Bascom in 1860, Cochise had persistently indulged

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

his bloody thirst for savage revenge, v'h^e®.-°ans and

^ d“-

gerous Apache chief was appalling^ ^ a member of

Mr. Vincent Colyer, J?ssTon ers appointed by Presi-

the board of Indian com inistration of the Peace

dent Grant to assist in the &• a ■ made an extended

Policy. Mr. Colyer at once ; any of the various

tour of the west and talke ti ble The president had
tribes of Indians as Prac£®a"{^ost endeavor to secure

urged Mr. Colyer to make ^ Indian chief>

an interview with the s no reSulted in utter failure.

»f=

But President, '-ram. p . he aSsigneu to

and in February ofQ 5 I difficult and hazardous task
General O. O. Howard Cochise General Howard

of meeting and treating with c ch^- 1872> going by
left Washington for Arizon , j missi0n was to

ssAPtt hf % aa- *• *» ,h'

Indian tribes of the territory. decided advan-

Although Gen,fa\AH°''mmdand whatever military co-
tage of being able to ble he met with no

operation he might d®®m f; t u.;p ’in his efforts to
better success on his Hr P Tbereupon he
interview Cochise than ha ^ ^dians, mostly the
selected a party of te t0 Washington. These

older chiefs, to aecomp 'an^ s pimaS) Mojaves and

Indians represented the P P g j ft Camp Apache,

^Undaunted by the ill

to Arizona by way of Santa r e, xn

again met him. Hostile Indians,”

In his book, “My Life Among the de-

published in 1907, General Howard J“Jceedingly in.

^LhLnne?ngAWfew Sfte most important features

GERONIMO 17

of his narrative — reduced to their lowest terms — will
suffice for the purposes of this story.

Some perplexing delays were experienced in arrang-
ing for the visit to the Chiricahua country, but a definite
plan was finally decided upon and General Howard left
Canada Alamosa, New Mexico, on September 20, ac-
companied by Capt. Sladen, his aide, Tom Jeffords,
Jake May, a young Apache chief named “Chie,” and
two packers. He soon picked up another young Apache
chief named “Ponce.”

Regarding the “social status” of these two Indians,
General Howard says: “With those Tulerosa Indians

was a young chief called Chie, the son of Mangus Colo-
rado— Cochise's brother, a notorious Indian killed in

1863 Ponce, another young chief who, with a

roving band, had recently fled from Fort Stanton
(N. M.), was somewhere near Canada Alamosa depre-
dating on the country, and our soldiers from different
posts were out scouting and hunting for this very band
of renegades.”

It is not probable that, under ordinary circumstances,
General Howard would have selected these two young
Apache renegades for his traveling companions, but his
was a desperate mission which justified desperate
methods and, if necessary, desperate associates.

General Howard does not qualify his statement that
Mangus Colorado and Cochise were brothers. Chie was
the son of Mangus, and Ponce and his father were sub-
chiefs under Mangus — and both were stanch friends of
Cochise.

At first Chie objected to going because he had no
horse, but General Howard overcame this objection by
presenting him with two horses — one for himself and
one for his wife. Ponce also objected for two reasons
—he had no horse and there would be no one to care
for his people. General Howard says he gave Ponce a
horse and “furnished their gypsy band with 30-days’
supplies (at a Mexican hamlet) on conditions that they
remain there and did not depredate.”

When General Howard left this bunch of renegades
and resumed his journey toward Arizona, he was as-
tonished to see Ponce following on foot, and upon in-
quiry learned that the young chief had gallantly given
the horse to his wife. And so it happened that some-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

times Ponce rode behind with the general, and some-
times the general walked while Ponce rode his horse.
General Howard says this arrangement greatly pleased
the young chief. Tom Jeffords was selected to ac-
company the general because he had traded with the
Cochise band and held their confidence; and also had a
fair knowledge of their language.

General Howard's rank in the regular army, together
with the special authority vested in him by the Presi-
dent, placed the military and civil authorities of New
Mexico and Arizona subject to his command in matters
pertaining to the very important mission he had under-
taken, but this plenary power did not in the least as-
suage the bitter enmity of the settlers toward the
Apaches — two of whom were now members of the
general's official party.

Because of this extreme hostility on the part of citi-
zens, General Howard found himself in imminent dan-
ger on at least two occasions before he arrived in the
camp of the notorious Chiricahua chieftain. At Silver
City, N. M., the citizens were most determined and the
situation wras desperate, but, the general tells us, “for-
tunately there were present several sensible men who
helped us to remain through the night without suffering
violence." And it may be added, the next morning
these same “sensible men" helped the general to get
safely on his way with the first glow of the dawn.

However, they had not proceeded more than ten miles
when they met a small party of prospectors, one of
whom had lost a brother at the hands of the Apaches.
At sight of Chie and Ponce this avenging brother leveled
his rifle at the Indians, but General Howard deliberately
threw himself in front of the ready weapon and told the
infuriated prospector he would have to kill him first.
The prospector was finally persuaded to postpone the
killing, but his remarks were not complimentary either
to the Indians or to the general.

Entering Arizona, the trail led through the San Simon
Valley to Apache Pass and thence across the Sulphur
Springs Valley to the Dragoon Mountains, where early
in October General Howard found the camp of the
renegade chief concealed in the rocky fastness which is
still known as “Cochise's Stronghold." The party had

GERONIMO

been reduced to five : General Howard, Capt. Sladen,
Tom Jeffords, Chie and Ponce.

There were days of “peace talks” and palavers.
Cochise declared that the trouble really began with the
hanging of the two Indians at Apache Pass in 1860.
General Howard further quotes him as saying: “You

Americans began the fight and now Americans and
Mexicans kill an Apache on sight. I have retaliated
with all my might. I have killed ten white men for
every Indian slain.”

Nevertheless, Cochise was now ready to make peace,
and it is not unlikely that the wily old chief boasted to
General Howard of his prowess, and at the same time
boosted his achievements to the limit, with the hope of
obtaining the best terms possible in the proposed treaty.
Finally, on October 18, 1872, the terms of the treaty
were agreed upon ; the boundaries of a reservation were
fixed; Tom Jeffords was designated as agent, and sixty
days' rations arranged for.

Thus General Howard had the extreme satisfaction
of seeing his important and hazardous mission terminate
in complete success. With a sense of deep gratitude for
what had been accomplished in behalf of peace and
prosperity, the general shook hands with Cochise for
the last time and started on his return trip to Wash-
ington.

The reservation did not include “Cochise's Strong-
hold.” It was situated east of the Sulphur Springs
Valley and embraced the greater part of the Dos^Ca-
bezas, Chiricahua and Swisshelm ranges. The Mexican
line was the southern boundary and the agency was
established in Apache Pass, near Fort Bowie. Tom
Jeffords continued to serve as agent for the Chiricahua
Apaches until relieved by me nearly four years later —
in June, 1876.

This brief historical review has been entered here in
order to impress the fact that as late as 1872 South-
eastern Arizona was a remote and isolated frontier;
that definite information relative to the Indians of that
region was difficult to obtain, as well as to suggest the
general conditions prevailing in and about Apache Pass
for a decade or two prior to the appearance of Ge-
ronimo as a conspicuous figure in Apache history.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

In February 1874, President Grant commissioned me
agent for the Apaches at the San Carlos Agency, which
is located on the Gila River, at its confluence with the
Rio San Carlos and about 150 miles northwest from
Apache Pass. Nearly all of the Indians then at the
ban Carlos Agency were known as Arivaipa Apaches
In that same year, and prior to my arrival in Arizona
Cochise died, so that I never had the opportunity of
meeting the noted chief— a fact I deeply regretted.

, ?JArr\val in San Carlos in August, 1874, I found
about 800 Indians assembled on that reservation. Soon
after several small bands were brought in from the
adjacent mountains, which increased the number under
my direction to about 1,000.

In March, 1875, the Indians from the Rio Verde
Reservation, situated near Prescott, were removed to

lToOCof tWdTP rCed in my Charge' There "'ere about
1,/2,° °,f thes® ^dians, comprising nearly equal numbers
of Tontos and Mojaves— with a few Yumas.

In July, 1875, under orders from the Interior Denart-
removed 1,800 Coyotero Apaches from the Camp
Apache Agency, locating about half of these adjacent
to the main agency at San Carlos and the remainder at

Caring gTRy °-+ th-?, GlIa about twenty miles east of San
Garl0Ps- Thas it will appear that within a year the num-

fromf800P tnhf Cr m/,charge and direction increased
Horn 800 to approximately 4,200.

And now the scene of our narrative returns again to
Apache Pass. Cochise left two sons, Tah-zay and
Nah-chee. After his death a bitter rivalry developed
between Tah-zay, the elder son, and Skin-yea who had
served as head war-chief under Cochise as to who
should succeed to the leadership of the tribe The cov

Tah'Za^ bitthilttlo;;

instead ot settling the controversy, only widened thp
breach between these stalwart aspirants and established

combat!117 WhlCh WaS destined t0 culminate in mortal

Peace was maintained for about two years after the
death of Cochise, but on A.pril n *- ■/-}• 1

GERONIMO

and Spence, and committed other depredations in the
San Pedro Valley.

Lieut. Henley, with a troop of cavalry from Fort
Bowie, followed the trail of these renegades for some
days and finally overtook them near the Mexican bor-
der, but did not succeed in inflicting any punishment
upon them.

Nearly a month after this outbreak I received the fol-
lowing telegraphic orders from the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs:

Washington, D. C.

a 4. May 3’ 1876‘

Agent Clum,

San Carlos, Arizona.

Appropriation made by Congress. Will ar-
range for additional supplies. Proceed to Chi-
ricahua ; take charge of Indians and agency
property there, suspending Agent Jeffords,
for which this dispatch shall be your full au-
thority. If practicable, remove Chiricahua In-
dians to San Carlos. For that purpose use not
exceeding three thousand dollars. Governor
Safford has been advised.

(Signed) J. Q. Smith,

Commissioner.

Before entering actively upon the execution of these
orders I insisted that a sufficient military force should
be ordered into the field to afford ample protection to
settlers m any emergency. General August V. Kautz,
commanding the Department of Arizona, hesitated, but
upon receipt of orders from the War Department he
sent the entire Sixth Cavalry into Southern Arizona.
This unwarranted hesitation on the part of the local
military authorities caused a delay of about three weeks
in the active prosecution of my orders.

I chanced to be in Tucson when the above telegram
from Washington was received there. Having made my
request to General Kautz for military support in the
field, I proceeded at once over the trail (125 miles) to
San Carlos for the purpose of organizing a special police
force to accompany me to Apache Pass. About a week
later I was back in Tucson with an escort of fifty-four
Arivaipa and Coyotero braves, who constituted my per-
sonal body-guard and free-lance army.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

While waiting for the cavalry to arrive in the field,
the citizens of Tucson had an excellent opportunity to
observe the character and conduct of my Apache police
at close quarters. Since the organization of this police
force at San Carlos in August, 1874, its members had
rendered most valuable service on the reservation, and
reports of their efficiency and dependability had spread
throughout the territory, but the average citizen of
Arizona had visualized this force only at long range.
Hence, when this company of fifty-four stalwart Apache
police — fully armed and equipped for action — marched
into the ancient and honorable pueblo of Tucson, they
presented a unique and impressive spectacle, and the
onlookers were fully persuaded that the reports of their
efficiency and prowess had not been exaggerated.

During this period of “watchful waiting” for the
Sixth Cavalry to arrive in the field, a committee of
Tucson's “leading citizens” came to me with a request
for an APACHE WAR DANCE — they were eager to
withiness a genuine spectacle of this character. Would
the visiting police oblige them? I consulted the police
and found them not only willing but enthusiastic. Ac-
cordingly, the date for the “outbreak” was set. On
the day appointed a load of wood was hauled to the
center of the old Military Plaza, and as soon as it was
dark the “camp-fire” was kindled. Forthwith, the
spectators began filing into the plaza by scores and
hundreds — until we had an expectant audience esti-
mated at fully 3,000. The stage was set — ON WITH
THE DANCE!

And now appeared the grotesque actors — thirty-five
robust Apache braves stripped to the waist; their bodies
and faces hideous with streaks and smears of “war-
paint”; some wearing fantastic head-gear, and each
bearing a lance and shield, a bow and arrow, or a rifle
— according to the act assigned. Accompanying these
were the “chanters and musicians” with their tom-toms.
The instruments all being “in tune” the “first act” was
precipitated without hesitation or delay. This was the
“instigation scene,” in which a lithe dancer performed
gracefully with lance and shield. Gradually the num-
ber of active participants increased until the camp-fire
was circled by a score or more of wildly gesticulating
figures of ferocious aspect, and the night air w^as vibrant

GERONIMO

with a discordant chorus of blood-curdling “war-
whoops.”

The committee had expressed their eager desire for a
“genuine spectacle,” and when I observed the audience
gradually retreating from the circle of lunging and
howling performers I suspected that the play was be-
coming a bit too realistic to suit the fancy of the aver-
age “pale-face.” Presently, Chief Justice French edged
his way to my side and with an expression of unfeigned
alarm and the tone of a veteran pleader, he said:
“Clum, hadn't you better stop this before the Indians
get beyond your control?” I replied (with apologies to
John Paul Jones), “Why, Judge, we have just begun to
dance.”

And now the climax was approaching — for which our
“infatuated” audience was wholly unprepared. None
knew that I had supplied a half-dozen blank cartridges
for each rifle in the custody of this apparently frantic
bunch of athletic savages. Suddenly the sharp crack
of a rifle echoed keen and clear above the din of the
frenzied dance. This was the signal for a chorus of
super-yells and then — BANG! BANG! BANG! BANG!
came the nerve-racking explosions from some twenty
additional rifles, fired in volleys or in rapid succession.
Meanwhile, the vocal exercises and athletic contortions
of our unrestrained entertainers approached the peak of
noise and confusion. To the average spectator it looked
as if these unleashed representatives of the famed San
Carlos Apache police were running amuck.

Fortunately, the old Military Plaza afforded ample
“exist” for our (now) near terror-stricken audience. That
was “no place for a minister's son.” No benediction or
recessional was necessary, and although the retreat was
orderly, we very soon realized that our “enthusiastic”
audience had quite spontaneously and almost unani-
mously deserted the “auditorium,” without according to
our “perfect performance” the usual complimentary
“prolonged applause.”

The following excerpts are from the ARIZONA
CITIZEN of May 27, 1876:

“The war-dance last night by the detachment of San
Carlos Apaches, at present in Tucson, was a sight long
to be remembered. The lateness of the hour and the

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

pressure of matter compel us to pass it at present with

tm,IHehuTe' Previous announcement that the dance

fh« M,-wk P™Ce drew! several thousand spectators to
the Military Plaza early m the evening. * * * * The

^d/ans* s®e^e,d Particularly delighted with the oc-

• • t> tnd danced their Devil’s Quick Steps
and Virginia Reels around the great fire blazing in the
center with as much gusto and fierce delight as was
ever delineated in the wildest Indian fiction. The dance
continued for several hours and consisted of sorties by
small squads of Indians at a time; then larger parties-
then all hands around together, the whole interspersed
by the frequent discharge of blank cartridges from the
arms m their hands.

“I* inier,e.st manifested by the people in these
orgies of the Indians pleased the latter and showed them
that we are satisfied and feel friendly to them so long
«s they behave themselves, the main object of the dance
was accomplished.

“Marijildo Grijalba (the interpreter) was the master

aL^fm°fue?v.anT ®.®emed to be in perfect and friendly
accord with the Indians.” *

The citizens of Tucson were so well pleased with the
S? deportment of the police during their entire
visit there tnat a purse was raised by popular subscrip-
tion and the company presented with uniforms— white
pants, red shirts and an obsolete style of army hat
Not an expensive outfit, but highly valued as expressing
iriendlmess and good will. 6

It is apropos to recall here that only five years pre-
viously some of the leading citizens of Tucson hadse-
cretly organized and stealthily led a party of Ameri-
cans, Mexicans and Papagos to the Arivaipa Canyon—

AnHl ?nIes187irth,(.of,T“cson— and there at dawn on
.A1, 3v .j871’ attacked a camp of sleeping Apaches

and brutally shot and clubbed to death 118 Indians

women, children and old men. Now (1876) the Apaches
were, practically, the guests and entertainers of the
residents of this same remote frontier community,
btrange things happen in strange ways. Neither the
Apache Indians nor the citizens of Tucson had mate-
rially changed in character during the five years that
had intervened, but fortunately they had come to a bet-
ter understanding of, and with, each other

GERONIMO

As soon as General Kautz arrived in Tucson he sent
his aide, Colonel Martin, to me with a request that I
indicate how the troops should be assigned in the field.
When I demurred, Colonel Martin insisted that the com-
manding general was very desirous that I should express
my judgment in the matter. This I finally did, and
within an hour Colonel Martin returned to my quarters
with a copy of an order just issued by General Kautz
assigning the troops exactly as I had suggested. I never
have been able to decide whether this action was a bit
of fine courtesy on the part of General Kautz, or a
clever plan to bridge to me full responsibility for what-
ever might eventuate. In view of the fact that General
Kautz had hesitated until the War Department had
ordered him to give me “all military assistance neces-
sary,” I suspected that his scheme was to shift the com-
mand to me — to the extent of deciding what military
aid was “necessary” and how that aid should be em-
ployed. Whatever motive may have lurked in the mind
of General Kautz, his orders to the troops in the field —
based upon my suggestions — operated in complete har-
mony with the purposes of the campaign.

The capture of the murderers of Rogers and Spence,
and the contemplated removal of the Chiricahua In-
dians to San Carlos, was regarded as an enterprise of
more or less formidable proportions, and the campaign
was not undertaken without serious misgivings. The
very name of the Chiricahua Apaches had been a terror
to the citizens of Arizona, New Mexico and Sonora for
many, many years. Scores of graves in this Southwest-
ern region marked the final resting place of their vic-
tims. It was variously estimated that this tribe could
muster from three hundred to five hundred able war-
riors— all well armed, brave and experienced. For
more than a decade under Cochise they had successfully
defied the troops — both American and Mexican — and
had been victorious in almost every engagement with
these troops.. Skin-yea, the old war-chief under Cochise,
v as still living — and still influential. Would he seize
upon the present situation as his opportunity to rallv his
dusky braves under the old standard and lead them
back along those free, familiar trails which ever led to
scenes of plunder and bloodshed? These and similar
considerations had determined me not to go upon their

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

reservation until I was prepared to dictate terms to
THEM — and not they to me; to have the settlers pro-
tected in case of open hostilities, and be prepared to
quell an outbreak without a protracted Indian war.

That General Kautz and his staff were apprehensive
of danger was evidenced by the general’s action in ten-
dering me a company of cavalry to serve as my personal
escort from Tucson to the Chiricahua Agency, which
was located in the heart of Apache Pass. As I felt se-
cure with my body-guard of Apache police, I thanked
the general for his consideration and declined the cav-
alry escort.

It was the afternoon of June 4, 1876, when I arrived
with my Indian police at Sulphur Springs, the scene of
Pi-on-se-nay’s recent murders. At the same time sev-
eral companies of cavalry were moving down the Sul-
phur Springs and San Simon valleys to convenient posi-
tions where they might be ready for prompt action in
case the renegades attempted further depredations.
These two valleys were broad and open so that the ap-
proach of the invading forces (each separate column
trailed by a dense cloud of alkalai dust) could be read-
ily observed by the Chiricahuas, who from adjacent
peaks had been watching our movements with the deep-
est interest.

The crisis for the Chiricahuas had arrived. The next
morning the San Carlos police would be at their agency,
in the very heart of the pass, with all the supporting
troops in position for immediate and effective action.
The fighting spirit of Skin-yea, the old war-chief, was
thoroughly aroused, and he exerted himself to the ut-
most in an effort to induce the entire tribe to take the
warpath and resist to the bitter end. In this course he
was ably supported by his brother, Pi-on-se-nay.

Tah-zay and Nah-chee stoutly opposed the plans of the
old war-chief. These two young sons of Cochise de-
clared that they had sworn to their father on his death-
bed to keep the treaty he had made, and that they
would be faithful to their oath.

That night the Indians gathered for council in a deep
canyon illuminated by a great campfire. That bitter
enmity, which . for two years had been smouldering in
the breasts of these two families of savages, was here to
seek and find its ultimate and extreme satisfaction in

GERONIMO

blood and death. The council began and the hot blood
of the Indian was soon beyond control. Suddenly the
sharp crack of a rifle rang down the mountain side and
the fierce Apache yell proclaimed the deadly strife be-
gun. This fearful test was finally to determine who was
fittest to succeed the dead chieftain — his sons or his

war chiefs. . , , ,

The deep and rocky canyon, wrapped m the sable veil

of night; peopled with weird shadows flung from the
flickering embers of the smouldering council fire; the
keen reports of the rifles resounding from cliff to clitt;
the demoniacal yells of the savage participants m this
mortal combat; each lent a feature to make the picture
wild, fierce and terrifying in the extreme. The bullets
sped through the air as if impatient to majim or kill the
fighting fiends. Presently, a well directed shot from
Na-chee’s gun struck Skin-yea square m the forehead,
piercing his brain. The towering frame of the brave,
bad warrior swayed a moment in the darkness and then
fell prone upon the mountain side. Skin-yea had fought
his last fight.

Scarecely had Pi-on-se-nay realized his brother s
death when he was himself completely disabled by a
bullet fired by Tah-zay which crashed through his right
shoulder. The die was cast. The fortunes of war no
longer favored these veteran fighters. Wounded, de-
feated and disheartened, Pi-on-se-nay fled into the shel-
ter of the darkness, assisted by a few of his followers.
Thus did the young sons of Cochise defend with their
lives the oath they gave they dying father.

Two companies of the Sixth Cavalry, en route to Fori,
Bowie, made their camp near mine at Sulphur Springs
on the night of June 4. Included among the ofacers
with these troops was Colonel Oakes, commander of the
regiment. Sulphur Springs was located on the old South-
ern Overland Stage Route, and the distance to f ort
Bowie (in Apache Pass) was twenty-six miles. For
about twelve miles the highway led through the open
country to the mountains at the mouth of the pass.
Inasmuch as my police were marching on foot and the
weather was exceedingly warm, I directed them to
leave camp at davbreak, in order that they might escape
from the valley before the heat became too oppressive,
and to wait for me at the mouth of the pass.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Colonel Oakes was traveling in an ambulance with
four mules, while I had a light wagon and was driving
four light horses. The colonel and I rolled out of camp
just as the buglers sounded “boots and saddles” for the
troops. Having the lighter and speedier outfit, I reached
the mouth of the pass a mile or two in advance of the
colonel. My police had arrived an hour before and were
well rested. A great cloud of alkalai dust down the
valley indicated that the troops were plodding along
some three or four miles behind their colonel. When the
military ambulance drew up at the mouth of the pass, I
asked Colonel Oakes if he intended to await the arrival
of his cavalry escort before entering the pass. His re-
sponse was, “Do you intend to wait for the troops?”
1 am sure he knew I had no such intention. Anyhow,
Colonel Oakes was a “regular fellow” and we were good
friends, so I told him that my escort was only awaiting
my orders to resume the march. The colonel smiled and
said: “Well, Clum, if these police can escort you

through the pass they can escort me also, and I'll go
right along with you.” I assured Colonel Oakes that I
would esteem it both a pleasure and an honor to share
my escort with him. Thereupon the order was given to
proceed. A dozen alert scouts were detailed as the ad-
vance guard and these scattered out along the slopes on
either side of the pass to watch for “Indian signs” and
to forestall a possible ambush, while the main body of
the police were divided into front and rear guards for
the two conveyances which were transporting the griz-
zled colonel and myself. Our progress was cautious but
genuinely interesting, tinged with a wierd fascination,
which was not marred by any overt act on the part of
the Chiricuhuas, and we arrived at Fort Bowie safely,
an hour in advance of the colonel's cavalry.

Thus it transpired that instead of accepting a com-
pany of the Sixth Cavalry to serve as my personal escort
on this trip, I escorted the colonel of that regiment over
the most dangerous section of the march with my “per-
sonal body-guard and free-lance army” of Apache po-
lice, and I know that our stealthy advance through
Apache Pass registered a page in Colonel Oakes' mem-
ory that was unique among his varied military expe-
riences.

The Chiricahua agency was located about a mile west

— , — -

GERONIMO

from Fort Bowie, and when I arrived there at noon on
June 5, 1876, I found both Tah-zay and Nah-chee, the
young sons of Cochise — heroes now after their success-
ful fight with the old war-chiefs — were there to greet
me, and as soon as I had explained to them fully the
purpose of my visit they readily consented to the pro-
posed removal of their band to the San Carlos Reserva-
tion.

At this time Agent Jeffords informed me that there
was another band of Indians on the reservation known
as “Southern Chiricahuas” ; that these Indians really
belonged in Mexico, but when Cochise made the treaty
with General Howard the Southern Chiricuhuas elected
to include ihemselve^ in that treaty and ever since had
been reporting quite regularly at the agency for their
rations; that the recognized chiefs of this band were
Eronemo (Geronimo), Hoo and Nol-gee, and that these
chiefs desired to have an interview with me.

Although I had been actively associated with the af-
fairs of the Arizona Apaches for two years, I had never
before heard of Geronimo, and my first meeting with
the Indian occurred on the afternoon of June 8, 1876.
Accompanied by Hoo and Nol-gee, he related to me how
he and his people had joined in the Howard treaty, and
now that the young chiefs were going to San Carlos the
Southern Chiricahuas desired to go there also. His fam-
ilies, however, w^ere some twenty miles distant down
near the Mexican line, and he only desired permission
to go and bring them in. Although this permission was
finally granted, the general demeanor of the wily sav-
age did not inspire complete confidence, and, accord-
ingly, some of my scouts were dispatched to shadow
his movements.

Geronimo hastened to rejoin his followers, who, in
fact, were then located only about ten miles distant
from Apache Pass. A few brief orders were quickly
given and at once the quiet camp was transformed into
a scene of active but cautious preparations for a rapid
march. Every bit of superfluous equipage was cast
aside. The feeble and disabled horses were killed, as
well as the dogs — lest their bark should betray the se-
cret camp of the fleeing savages. As soon as these prep-
arations had been completed the Southern Ghiricahuas,
with Geronimo in command, moved rapidly to the Mexi-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

can line and thence to the Sierra Madre Mountains, their
former home, and which for years after became the
stronghold of the renegades.

As soon as my scouts discovered the abandoned camp
of the renegades, with its many evidences of a hasty
flight, they lost no time in reporting the same to me.
Immediately I conveyed this information to General
Kautz, commanding the Department of Arizona, and
who was then at Fort Bowie, and requested him to send
some troops to bring back or punish the fleeing Indians.
Major Morrow, who with three companies of cavalry and
a company of Indian scouts, was stationed in the San
Simon Valley, just east of Apache Pass, was ordered in
pursuit, and although he took up the trail immediately
and followed rapidly into Mexico, Geronimo succeeded in
making good his escape with all his families and effects.

These events introduced Geronimo to the country as a
renegade. Prior to this time he was positively unknown
either as “Eronemo,” “Heronemo” or “Geronimo” out-
side the limits of the Chiricahua Reservation and his
native haunts in Sonora. He was a full-blooded Apache
and Agent Jeffords is authority for the assertion that he
was born near Janos, Mexico.

During the evening of June 8, a very dark, mean
looking Indian came into the agency and announced
that he was a member of Pi-on-se-nay’s party; that his
chief was badly wounded and desired to know upon
what terms he might surrender to me. I told him that
Pi-on-se-nay was a murderer and would be treated as
such, whereupon the messenger expressed the opinion
that his chief would not surrender. At once I sum-
moned Tau-el-cly-ee, my sergeant of police, and in-
structed him to select twenty of his best men and bring
in Pi-on-se-nay— ALIVE IF CONVENIENT. At the same
time I cautioned him to march with loaded rifles in
order that if there was to be any shooting his men
would be able to join in the fray with disconcerting alac-
rity and deadly effect. Then, pointing to the messenger,
I said: “This man has just come from Pi-on-se-nay’s

camp. He will go with you. If he proves a good guide,
bring him back, but if not — well, then I don’t care to
see him again.” The sergeant simply grinned and said:
“She bu-ken-see.” (I understand). I then took a Win-
chester rifle and a six-shooter from the messenger and

■

GERONIIvlO

told him that IF he came back I would return his arms

to him. He did and I did. . ,

Late the next afternoon Tau-el-cly-ee returned br ng-
ing with him Pi-on-se-nay and thirty-eight other pris-
oners mostly women and children. Inasmuch as Pi-

on-se-nay had been at large over two months since the
killing of Rodgers and Spence, the citizens of the ten 1-
tory were extremely anxious to know what might b
transpiring at Apache Pass. Therefore I wired Gover-
nor Safford brief details of the murderer s arrest, and
also informed him that it was my purpose to bring P -
on-se-nay to Tucson for confinement and speedy trial m
the federal courts. Within a few days I had good reason
for regretting that I had advised the governor of my
plan to bring the prisoner to Tucson.

Tah-zay’s bullet had made an ugly wound m Pi on-
se-nay’s right shoulder. This wound was careful*}
dressed daily by the post surgeon at Fort Bowie, and m
the meantime my police mounted a double guard over
the dangerous prisoner.

Arrangements for the removal were speedily com-
pleted; a freight train of “prairie schooners, operated
by the firm of “Barnett & Block,” was in readiness for
the transportation of “baggage” and invalids, and on
June 12 the sons of Cochise, with their followers, fami-
lies and effects left Apache Pass and started for the
San Carlos Reservation without protest. Ihe company
totaled 325 men, women and children, escorted by my

Indian police. .

As soon as I had seen this picturesque caravan well
on its way out of Apache Pass, I returned to the agency
for the prisoner, who had been left in the sole custody
of that most dependable aide — Sergeant Tau-el-cly-ee.
For my personal transportation I was using a single
seated rig anl four horses. Placing Pi-on-se-nay on tno
seat beside me I directed Tau-el-cly-ee to follow close
behind, mounted on his faithful steed. \\ ltlun a couple
of hours we had rejoined the caravan, which had struck
camp for the night at Ewell Springs, m the foothills ol
the Dos Cabezas range.

As a striking type of the genuine Apache war-chiet,
Pi-on-se-nay towered as if created for the part. He was
a trifle over six feet tall, straight as an arrow, lithe as
a panther. His form was that of an ideal athlete; a

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

frame Of iron compactly bound with sinews of steel-

tnri«atln vSt ue-ngithJ speed and endurance ; clean-cut fea
tures as if chiseled by a sculptor; an eye as keen hut

aTmost^Wack Vh Geronimo’. and a complexion

durine- the time was nursing a serious wound

oo u11-0 tne t?. he was ln *ny Custody, he impressed mp

himseT/inVny 'combat C°Ul,d give a, splendid account of
miiseu in any combat, and one whom I would rather

r„r* a'°“ °n th* ,rail lf ™

- xx ta- -s

ItiS

SL'ift'laS"1 w Slid ‘th^I °d'r mys«'f°"3

up his stately S^StfS SSSJ SS.tTSS’SS

GERONIMO

ing me, and his flashing eyes bespoke the intense ex-
citement he strove to control. He had no weapons.
Was he hoping for a chance to snatch one from my
belt — my knife — my six-shooter? I dunno. Anyhow,
these considerations served to keep me wide awake un-
til we drew rein in front of Tom Williams’ road-house at
Point-of-Mountain.

Among the first to greet me at this station was Dep-
uty-Sheriff Charlie Shibell and his assistant, Ad Linn,
armed with a warrant for Pi-on-se-nay. I had planned
to convey the prisoner to Tucson personally, with a
guard of Indian police, but the deputy sheriffs, with the
warrant, held the right-of-way. So I delivered Pi-on-
se-nay into their custody about two o’clock, p. m., on
that thirteenth day of June, and at nine o’clock that
same evening the old war-chief escaped. This, of course,
was a great misfortune, as the trial and punishment of
this murderer, under the direction of the federal courts,
would have had a most beneficial and far-reaching in-
fluence among the Apaches of Arizona. And what
grieved me more was the firm conviction that if Pi-on-
se-nay had remained in my custody, the Indian police
would have landed him in the jail at Tucson not later
than June 15, 1876. Pi-on-se-nay was killed in Mexico
about two years later.

The following is quoted from my annual report for
1876 to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs:

“On June 18 the Chiricahua Indians were located on
the San Carlos Reservation without trouble or accident.
The terrible shade of that tribe’s dreaded name had
passed away, and the imaginary army of four or five
hundred formidable warriors had dwindled to the mod-
est number of sixty half-armed and less clothed sav-
ages.”

In the fall of 1876 I took a score of Apaches, includ-
ing Tah-zay, on a trip to the east. While visiting at
Washington, Tah-zay was stricken with pneumonia and
died. He is buried in the Congressional Cemetery —
where his ashes rest amid the graves of many other
distinguished Americans. General O. O. Howard, who
made the treaty with Tah-zay’s father four years prior,
attended the funeral.

With the removal of the Cochise Indians to San Carlos
the Chiricahua Reservation was abandoned, hence it

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

was no longer convenient for Geronimo and his band to
step from Mexico upon the reservation and again from
the reservation back into Mexico. While this was a de-
cided handicap to the renegades, it did not deter them
from making frequent raids through Southeastern Ari-
zona and across into Southwestern New Mexico, where
they had friends among the former followers of old Man-
gus Colorado — one of whom was Ponce, who accompanied
General Howard into Cochise’s Stronghold. Troops were
frequently sent out for the purpose of intercepting and
punishing these marauding bands, but Geronimo suc-
ceeded in evading pursuit until the San Carlos police
were again ordered on his trail.

The dissatisfaction of the people of Arizona with the
inadequate protection afforded settlers in the southeast-
ern part of the territory by the military, and the inef-
fectual efforts of the troops to apprehend and punish
the bands of renegade A_paches who were making too
frequent raids between Sonora and New Mexico, was
expressed in no uncertain terms by the territorial legis-
lature. On February 8, 1877, that body passed an ap-
propriation of $10,000, and authorized the governor to
enroll sixty militia for the protection of citizens against
hostile Indians.

Immediately Governor Safford wired me a request
for sixty of my San Carlos police to serve as territorial
militia against the renegades. I advised the governor
that I would be happy to comply with his request, pro-
vided Captain Beauford, my chief of police, could be
placed ‘in charge of this militia company, as I did not
deem it wise to send these Apache police out under the
command of a stranger. Governor Safford promptlv
gave his hearty approval to my suggestion . (This Cap"-
tain Beauford in late years became prominent in Ari-
zona as Col. W. C. Bridwell, his true name. Running
away from home when a boy he had taken the name of
Beauford). On February 20 I arrived in Tucson with
this company of police and turned them over to the
governor. Without delay, Captain Beauford and the
Indians were enrolled as territorial militia, equipped
and rationed, and on February 23 were dispatched for
active scouting in Southeastern Arizona.

My school days” included a three years’ course at a
military academy, and during the last two years at that

GERONIMO

institution I held the rank of captain. This, of course,
made me familiar with the manual of arms and com-
pany drill, and as we had four companies we frequently
indulged in skirmish and battalion drills. Because of my
fondness for military maneuvers I had amused myself
sometimes by drilling my Indian police. A pleasing re-
sult of this “pastime” is shown in a photograph of my
body-guard taken at Tucson in May, 1876, in which the
company is formed in “a column of twos.”

The transfer of a body of Apache police to the gov-
ernor of Arizona for service as territorial militia, in a
campaign against hostile Indians, was a unique event in
frontier history. Such a momentous occasion seemed to
demand some elaborate and spectacular ceremony, and
nothing could be more appropriate than a military ges-
ture., with the firing of a salute by the entire company
as a climax. The Apache police were not familiar with
‘“blank cartridges” and therefore it seemed to them en-
tirely proper that ball cartridges should be used in fir-
ing the salute, in which opinion I heartily concurred—
inasmuch as no “blanks” were obtainable. The trail
from San Carlos to Tucson measured about 125 miles,
and short drills were held each morning and evening
while en route. As the Indians entered heartily into the
spirit of the game, we were able to make a very credit-
able showing when the fateful moment arrived for our
grand act.

On reaching Tucson I marched the company in a col-
umn of twos to the “Governor's Palace.” Here the com-
pany was halted and stood at “parade rest,” facing the
“palace,” while I rapped on the door. As soon as the
governor appeared the company was brought to "atten-
tion.” Orders were then given for the following evolu-
tions: “Carry arms”; “Rear open order”; “About face”;
“Load”; “Aim”; “Fire”; “Recover arms”; “About face”;
“Close order” ; “Present arms.” These orders were given
in English and the evolutions followed the old Upton
tactics. Having fired the salute and with the company
standing at “present,” I made my most graceful per-
sonal salutation to the governor — AND DELIVERED
THE GOODS!

The following local item appeared in the ARIZONA
CITIZEN (Tucson), Saturday, February 24, 1877, (on
file in the Congressional Library) :

SG ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

.“Indian Agent John P. Clum arrived here on Tuesday
with sixty stalwart armed Apaches from San Carlos
Reservation, with a view to their enlistment under the
Qall of the governor, in pursuance of an act of the late
legislature. Mr. Clum marched them in front of the
governor s office, where they fired a salute and were
inspected by the governor. Afterward they were as-
signed Tully, Ochoa & Company’s large corral as a
camping ground where they remained until leaving for
the field Friday. Their conduct was orderly and highly
creditable in every way. Captain Beauford informed
us that he did not even have to speak to any of them in
a corrective tone. Agent Clum in this instance has done
the public a very valuable service and given another of
many proofs of his desire to promote the welfare of the
people generally.”

Meanwhile, there were reports of frequent raids in
which stock was stolen, and traded off at the small towns
dong the Rio Grande, thus adding much to the pros-
it®1*^ of Ihe. renegades. It so happened that Lieut.
Henley, who led the troops from Bowie on the trail of

R i o C r « v1 n n A P r ' ’ + J 8 7 6 ’ ■ vvas Passi«g through the
"®G»nde Valley in the latter part of February, 1877.

There he saw Geronimo, whither he had come on one of
his trading lours Lieut. Henley at once telegraphed to

cinitv^f ¥ tihat he hfd,seen Geronimo in the vi-
ed v wl l Palomas, and that the renegade undoubt-
edl> was making his headquarters at the Southern
Apache Agency, at Ojo Caliente, New Mexico. General

ment^nd^*?^ thf m*°™atM>“ to the War Depart-
ment, and that department transmitted the facts to the

Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The result was the
following telegram to me:

Washington, D. C.,

Agent Clum, March 20’ 1877’

San Carlos:

^ Practicable, take Indian police and arrest
enegade Indians at Southern Apache Agency
seize stolen horses in their possession* restore
property to rightful owners ; remove renegades
O San Carlos and hold them in confinement

GERONBIO

for murder and robbery. Call on military for
aid if needed.

(Signed) SMITH, Commissioner.

These orders imposed upon me one of the most im-
portant and exciting campaigns I have ever undertaken.
With the approval of Governor Safford, I sent a courier
to Captain Beauford directing him to proceed at once to
Silver City, New Mexcio, with his company, and having
enrolled about forty additional police at San Carlos, I
hastened to join Beauford at Silver City. At that point
the “Arizona Apache Territorial Militia” were taken
over by me and their names once more entered upon the
agency pay-roll — Captain Beauford included. Having
thus been reinstated as members of the San Carlos In-
dian Police Force, they were merged with the company
I had brought with me from San Carlos, and the entire
body proceeded thenceforth under my direction. The
distance by trail from San Carlos to Ojo Caliente is
something like 350 or 400 miles, and the greater part
of my little army of Indians measured the entire dis-
tance of the round trip on foot.

General Hatch was in command of the Department
of New Mexico, with headquarters at Santa Fe. Just
before leaving San Carlos I sent a dispatch to General
Hatch advising him of the nature of my orders and re-
questing him to assign sufficient troops at convenient
stations in the field to cooperate in the protection of the
citizens of Southwestern New Mexico, should serious
trouble occur. At Fort Bayard I received a reply from
General Hatch informing me that in compliance with
my request he had ordered eight companies of the Ninth
Cavalry into the field. Having completed all prelimi-
nary details, I left Silver City with my police and started
on the long trek over the mountains to Ojo Caliente.
All along the route we were warned that the' main body
of the renegades was gathered in the vicinity of the
Southern Apache Agency; that this aggregation totaled
from 250 to 400 well armed, desperate Indians, and that
these rude and ruthless redskins were impatiently await-
ing for an opportunity to greet us in the most enthusi-
astic fashion. These rumors served to sustain the in-
terest in our march into New Mexico.

At Fort Bayard it had been arranged that Major

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Wade, commanding the troops in the field, who was
then at Fort Union, should meet me at Ojo Caliente
with three companies of cavalry on the morning of
April 21, but when I arrived at that point on the eve-
Illn!’ I f°un<l there a telegram from Major

ad® advising me that he would not be able to reach
Ojo Caliente until April 22.

ti. D°u,^tless thi.s delay was unavoidable, but it placed
the full responsibility of a most serious situation squarely
up to me. It was obvious that if I remained two days at
Ojo Caliente with my San Carlos police there would not
be a renegade within fifty miles of that point. But
troops were now cooperating at my request. If I took
action against the renegades without consulting the

crt^T^°mmanding the tro°Ps in the field, I must be
SOJ-iLLi responsible for the results.

I had sent a dependable scout to Ojo Caliente sev-
eral days in advance of my arrival and he informed me
that Geronimo, with between 80 and 100 followers, was
then camped about three miles from the agency, and
that he had come in to the agency that very day for
lations. We had been on the trail nearly a month and
had marched all the way from San Carlos for the special
purpose of ARRESTING GERONIMO. Our only chance
lor success was through prompt and resolute action. In
these circumstances I determined that we would under-
take to make the arrest without delay — relying entirely
upon the loyalty and efficiency of the Apache police. J

As before stated, most of my police were on foot. We
had marched cautionsly to within twenty miles of the
agency, where we had camped at noon on April 20
there I selected twenty-two Apache scouts, who had
horses, as a special body-guard to accompany me to the
agency, where we arrived shortly before sundown.
CaptHin Beauford was instructed to bring the main body
ot the police to a spring about ten miles from the agency
that evening, and to complete the march to the agency
leisurely the following morning.

This proved a most fortunate maneuver. The rene-
gades knew that some Indian police were on the trail
trom Arizona, but they did not know how many, and
their general attitude after my arrival at the agency
convinced me that they were of the opinion that the
twenty-two police, who escorted me in, constituted mv

GERONIMO

entire force. Upon this hypothesis I based my plan of
action.

The main agency building faced the east, fronting on
a large parade ground. About fifty yards to the south
stood a large commissary building which, happily,
was vacant. From this commissary building a row of
employee quarters extended eastward along the south
line of the parade ground, while the east and north
limits of the parade ground were marked by a deep ra-
vine. Such was the general plan of the field on which
I hoped the renegades might speedily be lured to their
Waterloo.

As soon as it was dark I dispatched a courier to
Captain Beauford with orders to bring his reserves in
before daylight — and to observe the utmost caution and
quiet in approaching the agency. At about 4 a. m. the
reserves, numbering about eighty, arrived and were at
once quartered in the convenient comissary building,
each man with thirty rounds of fixed ammunition AND
HIS GUN LOADED. This bit of stratagem, in which
the innocent commissary building was destined to dupli-
cate the trick of the famous TROJAN HORSE, operated
so effectively that it has been a matter of self-congratu-
lation ever since.

At daylight I sent a messenger to the renegade camp
to inform Geronimo and the other chiefs that I desired
to have a “talk” with them. They came quickly — a
motley clan, painted and equipped for a fight. Sup-
ported by a half-dozen of my police, I took my position
on the porch of the main agency building, overlooking
the parade ground. The remainder of my special escort
of twenty-two were deployed in an irregular skirmish
line — half of them northward toward the ravine, and
the other half southward to the commissary' building.
Captain Beauford had his station half-way between me
and the commissary, and, let me repeat, every man had
thirty rounds of fixed ammunition AND HIS GUN
LOADED.

The police were instructed to be constantly on the
alert and ready for instant combat, but not to shoot:
(1) unless ordered to do so by either Captain Beauford
or myself; (2) unless Captain Beauford or I began
shooting; (3) unless the renegades began shooting.
The reserves were instructed that at a signal from

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Captain Beauford their sergeant would swing wide the
great commissary doors and then race eastward along
the south line of the parade ground, and they were to

follow hot on his trail at intervals of about two paces

every man with his thumb on the hammer of his gun.

Because the renegades believed they held a decided
advantage in the matter of numbers I did not think they
would hesitate to assemble on the parade ground in
front of my position — and this proved true. They came
trailing in just as the sun rose gloriously above the New
Mexican ranges. Was this to be the final sunrise for
some, or many of us who were watching it — and each
other — so anxiously?

Sullen and defiant, the renegades were finally gath-
ered in a fairly compact group in front of me and, as
is their custom on such occasions, their most daring men
(and just the men I wanted — such as Geronimo, Gordo,
Ponce, Francisco, etc.,) were pressed forward as a
menace to my personal safety. They fully appreciated
that the immediate presence of such desperate charac-
ters, fully armed and smeared with paint, is anything
but reassuring to a “pale-face.”

Promptly I addressed my exceedingly picturesque au-
dience, telling them that I had come a long distance on a
very important mission, but if they would listen to my
words “with good ears” no serious harm would be done
to them. With equal promptness Geronimo replied that
if I spoke with discretion no serious harm would be done
to us or words to. that effect. This defiant attitude
convinced me that it would be useless to continue the
parley. The crisis had arrived. The hour had struck,
which was to determine the success or failure of our
expedition. The excitement, though suppressed, was
keen. Would they, upon discovering our superior force
and arms, submit without a struggle, or would the next
moment precipitate a hand-to-hand fight to the death
between these desperate renegades and the bravest and
best fighters the Apache tribes of Arizona could pro-
duce? . On either side were the most determined of men.
The slightest cause might change the history of the day.

The situation demanded action — prompt action, and
very promptly the signal was given. Instantly the com-
missary portals swung open and Sergeant Rip started his
sprint along the south line of the parade grounds. As

GERONIMO

if by magic the reserves came swarming out from the
commissary and, in single file, leaped after their ser-
geant at top speed, with intervals that left room for the
tree use of their weapons. We had started the “action”

rti?10? lmPress11.ve and spectacular action, with those
lithe Apache police bounding along, each with his thumb

on the hammer of his loaded rifle — alert — ready and

thus far in comparative silence. *

However, the release of the reserves had not failed to
/if/j 6 rene?ades- At the same time there was en-
little side-play which, in my judgment, was

Sahf rtdeCldinsr he 1SSUes of the day‘ At the first
S" the reserves emerging from the old commissarv

whi f balf-dozen of the straggling followers of the
hostiles started to move away from the parade ground.

Sw ^eSe -faiiet-t0 °!?ey our orders to return. Captain
Beauford raised his rifle and leveled it at one of the

would-be fugitives. There are always a few belligerent
®^ua,w.s .who lnsist upon intruding whenever a * war-
talk is in progress and one of these athletic ladies had
stationed herself, doubtless designedly, close by our

f,n™ R C f'eS °f S0li,Ce' With a wild yell she sprang
flPma^BeaUf°r^ aild clu,ng to his neck and arms in such
” as,.t0 drrv down his rifle— making a superb
tackle and interference.” I had been keeping my two
eyes on Gerommo, but with the echo of that genuine
Apache yell I turned just in time to appreciate Beau-

that LW °f Pf°foand dis^ust when he discovered
that ^ had ^6i?+n Captu?'ed by a squaw. Then he swung

Ind la Lr,^1^ - ar,m’- t0 ,which the lady was clinging!
and she landed ingloriously on the parade ground— and

at a respectful distance. Really, a bit of comedy in-
jected into a most serious situation.

thJhifS+ep.i-S0dei:^sumed Iess than a minute, but it held
^ftppriIOn tf thf eniIJ-e-aud*ence and enabled us to
fkiVmfsh r tV^nty addltl°nal police in that galloping
skirmish line. Also, when Captain Beauford raised his
gun the second time the police indicated that they were

general^0 ITof wLU^'/ sbootin* ™
general All of which produced a most wholesome ef-
fect on the minds of the renegades. In the meantime
the maneuver of the reserves was such a complete s™r-

tha^hpf d been exe,cuted with such dash and daring
that before the renegades fully realized what was hap^

42 ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

pening, they found themselves at the mercy of a threat-
ened cross-fire from our two skirmish lines, which were
now deployed on the west and south sides of the parade
grounds with the angle at the old commissary building.
Geronimo was quick to comprehend the hopelessness of
his position. Thereupon he recalled the stragglers and
readily agreed to a “conference.”

Immediately I directed Geronimo and three or four of
his lieutenants to come to the porch where I was stand-
ing. Their compliance was stoical. Feeling assured
that the crucial moment had passed, I handed my rifle
to one of my police and told Geronimo that as we were
to have a “peace talk” we would both lay aside our
arms. Geronimo frowned his objection, but we had the
advantage. I took his gun from his — a bit rudely per-
haps— and the same is stiii in my possession, a much
prized trophy of that expedition. *

Having taken the guns from half a dozen other “bad
men,” we settled down for the “peace talk.” Geronimo
adjusted himself in a squatting position on the porch,
immediately in front of me. I began by reminding him
that we had met nearly a year before at Apache Pass,
when he had agreed to accompany the Chiricahua Indians
to San Carlos. To this he replied: “Yes, and you gave

me a pass to go out and bring in my people, but I could
not get back within the time you allowed, so I did not
return — I was afraid.” In a most serious manner I told
him the story of the killing of his dogs and old horses;
his deserted camp; his hasty march into Sonora; the pur-
suit of the troops, etc., and suggested that if he had
really desired to go to San Carlos he would not have
hot-footed it in the opposite direction. He gave me a
fierce glance, but made no reply. “Well,” I continued,

I must be your good friend because I have traveled so i
far to see you again. Now I want to keep you with me
and to know where you are, and so I will provide you
with a special escort and then you will not stray away
and be afraid to return.” Geronimo glared in sullen
silence.

Thereupon I ordered him to go with the police to the
guardhouse. He did not move. Then I added: “You

must go now.” Like a flash he leaped to his feet.

There was a picture I shall never forget. He stood erect
as a mountain pine, while every outline of his sym-
metrical form indicated strength and endurance. His

..... — >1. ^.if, . —

GERONIMO

abundant ebon locks draped his ample shoulders, his
stern features, his keen, piercing eye and his proud and
graceful posture, combined to create in him the model
of an Apache war-chief. There he stood — GERONIMO,
THE RENEGADE — a form commanding admiration, a
name and character dreaded by all. His eyes blazed
fiercely under the excitement of the moment, and his
form quivered with a suppressed rage. From his de-
meanor it was evident to all that he was hesitating be-
tween two purposes, whether to draw his knife, his only
remaining weapon, cut right and left and die fighting —
or to surrender.

My police were not slow in discerning the thoughts of
the renegade. Instantly Sergeant Rip sprang forward
and snatched the knife from Geronimo’s belt, while the
muzzles of a half-dozen needle-guns, m the hands of
Beauford and the police, were pressed toward him —
their locks clicking almost in unison as the hammers
were drawn back. With flashing eyes he permitted
himself to indulge in a single swift, defiant glance at
his captors. Then his features relaxed and he said
calmly: “In-gew” (all right) — and thus was accom-

plished the first and only bona fide capture of GE-
RONIMO THE RENEGADE.

The prisoner was forthwith escorted to the blacksmith
shop, and thence to the guardhouse. At the blacksmith
shop, shackles were riveted on the prisoner’s ankles.
These were never removed while he remained in my
custody, and never should have been removed except to
allow him to walk untrammeled to the scaffold.

Immediately following the arrest of Geronimo, six
other renegades were taken into custody, disarmed and
shackled — one of whom was “Ponce.” But, at that time,
I had no idea I was arresting an Indian who had been a
trusted and useful member of General Howard’s official
party on his important mission to Cochise Stronghold.
While en route over the mountains from Silver City to
Ojo Caliente, we had cut the “hot” trail of a raiding
band, which my scouts found led back to the Warm
Springs Reservation. After my arrival at the agency
I learned that this band had preceded us there only a
couple of days; that they had brought in some stolen
stock; that Ponce was the leader of this band, and that
he exerted a great influence among the renegades. This

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

was all I knew of Ponce, and it was on this record that
I caused his arrest.

And thus it transpired that when Major Wade finally
arrived at Ojo Caliente with his escort of cavalry, on
April 22, Geronimo and the other principal renegades
had been arrested and shackled and were under guard
by the San Carlos police.

My orders from Washington, under date of March 20.
having been successfully executed, it was decided that
Captain Beauford, with the main body of police, should
start on their return march to Arizona without delay,
with the hope of intercepting some small bands of rene-
gades, who were believed to be raiding between Ojo
Caliente and the Dos Cabezas Mountains. Accordingly,
I selected twenty-five of the police to serve as my per-
sonal escort, and guard for the prisoners, and furnished
the remainder with thirty days’ rations and 3,000 rounds
of ammunition. Thus equipped and in high spirits,
Captain Beauford and his command took the homeward-
bound trail on the morning of April 23.

About this time I received a telegram from the Com-
missioner of Indian Affairs directing me to take all of
the Indians at Warm Springs Agency to San Carlos,
“if upon consultation with the military authorities, such
action was deemed desirable.” General Hatch and his
staff heartily favored the proposed removal and ar-
rangements were at once made to that effect.

Victorio, who later became notorious as a desperate
renegade, was the recognized chief of the Warm Springs
Indians at that time, and neither he nor any of his
followers made serious objection to the removal after
they had learned from me and my police force the man-
ner in which all Indians were cared for at San Carlos.

As these Indians had very few “household effects,”
and a majority of them had been living under conditions
which made it necessary for them to be “ready to move
at a moment’s notice,” all preparations for the march to
San Carlos were quickly concluded.

General Hatch had not only been cordial in his co-
operation, but had been most generous in his commenda-
tions of the splendid results accomplished by the San
Carlos Apache police. In these circumstances I felt it
would be courteous to request him to detail a small es-
cort of cavalry to accompany the main body of the

GERONIMO

Warm Springs Indians over the trail to San Carlos. I
even argued that such an escort was desirable, owing
to the fact that Captain Beauford and his command were
well on their way to Silver City before the order for this
removal was received, therefore, no police were avail-
able to serve as an escort. General Hatch was both
cheerful and prompt in complying with my request.
Lieut. Hugo and a few troopers were detailed for this
duty.

May 1, 1877, was the date set for our departure from
Ojo Caliente, and all seemed in readiness for the start
to Arizona. But on that morning, while hurrying about
to assure myself that all were actually on the move, I
saw an Indian sitting on a step in front of one of the
employee quarters, his elbows on his knees, his face in
his hands and his loose hair covering both face and
hands. When I spoke to him he simply moaned. Very
soon I discovered that this Indian had smallpox. The
situation was desperate. We must start on the return
trip. This Indian could not travel with the others, and
I could not leave him alone to die. Fortunately one of
my policemen had had the disease and was immune.
He consented to drive the team assigned to convey the
sick Indian in a hastily improvised ambulance. In less
than an hour after I first saw the sick Indian his trans-
portation had been provided and he had joined our
caravan — however, always maintaining a respectful dis-
tance to the rear of the wagon conveying the prisoners.

Mr. M. A. Sweeney, chief clerk at the San Carlos
Agency, who had preceded me to Ojo Caliente on scout
duty, was given full charge of the main body of the
Indians on this march over the mountains to Silver City.
An actual count showed 453 men, women and children.
This company presented a very long and very thin line
as they stretched out along the trail — and at the end of
this line followed Lieut. Hugo and his guard of honor.
I have mentioned this “very long and very thin line” and
the “guard of honor” for the purpose of correcting the
statement that these Indians were “transported forcibly”
from Ojo Caliente to San Carlos.

Lieut. Hugo was a capable officer and a good fellow
— and he led willing troopers — but it was obviously im-
possible for him to patrol effectively that “very long
and very thin line” with thirty or forty soldiers, and if

46 ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

any of those Indians had determined to scatter into the
mountains he could not have prevented their going, nor
could he have effected their capture with his limited
command. The difficulty experienced by troops, in their
efforts to apprehend and punish fleeing or marauding
bands of Indians has been demonstrated too frequently.
Moreover, Mr. Sweeney informed me that during this
march a majority of the Indians were from ten to twenty
miles in advance of this “guard.” Even if Captain Beau-
ford and his San Carlos police had been patrolling the
trail, these could hardly have prevented the escape of
small parties, had any of the Warm Springs Indians
entertained determined opposition to removal to San
Carlos.

Having seen the main body of the Indians started on
the westward trail, and having arranged for the trans-
portation of the sick Indian by means of the “impro-
vised portable isolation hospital,” I could now give my
undivided attention to the prisoners. The shackles
which the prisoners were wearing were “home-made,”
and were riveted to the ankles. This made it imprac-
ticable to convey them over the trail as they could
neither walk nor ride on horseback. Therefore, a large
transport wagon was provided for their accommodation,
into which they were loaded as comfortably as circum-
stances would permit. Our provisions and camp outfit
were carried in another wagon, and at a safe distance
behind these two vehicles trailed our “peripatetic pest-
house.” The special escort of police, all well mounted,
were divided into two squads — advance and rear guards
— and with my last duty at Ojo Caliente accomplished,
I mounted my horse, waved a signal which meant “let’s
go” — and the tedious trek to San Carlos was begun.

Although homeward bound, the first stage of our
journey led us further away from Arizona. In order to
pass a spur of the mountains which extended south-
easterly from Ojo Caliente, it was necessary to follow
the wagon road back to Las Polomas on the Rio Grande;
thence southwesterly to old Fort Cummings; and thence
northwesterly to Silver City, where wre joined the main
body of the Indians who had come over the trail. From
Silver City we proceeded westerly over the Burro Moun-
tains and thence to the Gila Valley, which was followed
to the San Carlos Reservation.

Xm.r, vvrr-r

GERONIMO

The smallpox developed a really serious situation, as
the disease was then prevalent in both New Mexico and
Arizona. After we left Silver City our ambulatory hos-
pital was taxed to the limit and several died on the
trail. Even after the Indians had been located at their
new home on the Gila the malady continued to manifest
itself with more or less fatal results.

Barring the ravages of this disease, the removal of
the Warm Springs Indians was accomplished without
serious difficulty or mishap. The prisoners gave us no
trouble en route, and on May 20 were safely delivered
into the agency guard-house at San Carlos.

The efficiency of the San Carlos Indian police force
once more had been demonstrated in a conspicuous man-
ner During the round trip the police had traveled ap-
proximately 800 miles. A majority of them had covered
the entire distance on foot. Unaided by the troops they
had accomplished the arrest of Gerommo and sixteen
other outlaw Indians. Twenty-five members of this
force were detailed as the sole escort and guard to ac-
company the renegade prisoners while en route m
wagons from Ojo Caliente to San Carlos— a distance by
the wagon road of fully 500 miles. The anticipated dan-
ger of an organized attack and attempt to rescue the
prisoners by some of their renegade friends, who v<ere
still at large, had not materialized, but the police had
been constantly alert — prepared for a"y , e™e^gfel]?7'
For twenty days and twenty nights they had kept faith-
ful watch and vigil, and when the journey ended they
delivered their prisoners safely and in irons to the
agency police on duty at the guard-house at San CailOo.
Sure! They finished the job. , ,,

In this narrative of the arrest of Gerommo and the
removal of the Warm Springs Indians I have endeavored
to present conditions as they existed and events as they
occurred with the utmost accuracy, but the facts as I
have given them are in conflict with an official state-
ment published on page 61 of the annual report of the
Secretary of War for 1877. This conflicting statement
is contained in the annual report of Brig. Gen. John
Pope, dated at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, September
15 1877, as follows: “The Warm Springs Apaches,

whom at the request of the Interior Department I had
trasnported forcibly to the San Carlos Agency in An-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

zona . . . . etc. This brief and concise pronounce-
ment ^ Gen. Pope would contribute an interesting item
to military history if it were not faulty in several im-
portant particulars. First, the Interior Department did
not request the military authorities to remove the Warm
Springs Indians to Arizona. Second, Gen. Hatch and
his staff made no pretense of assuming the responsi-
bilities and directing the details involved in the removal
of these Indians. Third, the only Indians “transported
forcibly at that time from Ojo Caliente to San Carlos
were the prisoners, and these shackled renegades were
arrested and transported by the San Carlos Apache po-
lice absolutely unaided by the troops. Fourth, is a fault
of omission in that the statement completely ignores
the splendid services rendered by the San Carlos Apache
police at Ojo Caliente on that eventful day when the
troops failed to arrive at the time agreed upon. Out-
side of the inaccuracies and inequalities as above set
torth, Gen. Pope’s report may be accepted as entirely
fair and dependable.

My original orders from Washington were to arrest
Gerommo and hold him in confinement “for murder and
robbery,” and I felt that the next step in his career
should be a trial in the federal courts; in fact, this
seemed the only intelligent and just course to pursue.
It was obvious that the trial and conviction of this rene-
gade in the regular courts of the “pale-face” would pro-
duce a tremendously beneficial moral effect upon the
Indians generally, and inasmuch as Pi-on-se-nay had
cheated us out of such an example less than a year pre-
vmus, I was especially desirous of bringing Geronimo
to trial.

Accordingly, I advised the sheriff of Pima County, at
lucson, that Geronimo was held in the guard-house at
ban Carlos, in irons, subject to his orders, or the orders
of the court he represented; that he was charged with
murder and robbery, and that I was anxious to assist in
supplying the evidence necessary to secure a conviction.
No action was taken by the sheriff and Geronimo was
never brought to trial.

Editorial Note — John P. Clum, after leaving the In-
dian service, lived for a time in Tucson, where he held
another government position. In 1881 he went to Tomb-

GERONIMO

stone where he, with Chas. D. Reppy, established the
TOMBSTONE EPITAPH and for a time served as mayor
of that town. Leaving Arizona, in the latter eighties, he
entered the employment of the Southern Pacific Rail
road Company as industrial agent, lecturing m the ef
fort to stimulate industry where the lines of the South-
ern Pacific ran. For many years he lived at San Dimas,
California, where he owned an orange orchard. Last
year he sold this home. He now lives m Los Angeles, at
1958 W. 74th Street.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE RIVER COLORADO

(By Lieut. E. D. Tuttle)

The American people are united in determination to
develop the full resources of this great stream which has
for untold ages been rolling its yellow flood from its
sources in the snowy peaks of the Rockies and its
auxiliary ranges, down to the Gulf of California and,
in the process of time, has cut its way through the Grand
Canyon; through its different strata of marble pillars,
castellated sandstones, granite peaks, great beds of
schists, shales and carboniferous deposits; carving out
valleys, filling depressions, and carrying life to the dry
desert wastes until it found a resting place in its great
mother, the ocean. No one lives to tell its story; no
human record had been kept, but the record is there to
be read by the student of geology in the walls of the
mile-deep canyon of its upper reaches, registered as
the footprints of time. The rocks and shells of the ages
past tell us how high or how low its red turbid waters
have rolled in its maddening glee, or silently glided to
the sea.

The records are there to show that in the past, during
the revolving epochs of time, it has freely poured its
vast contents into the ancient sea at Salton. The story
can be read as plainly written by nature's never-failing
pen; in living lines that can never be erased from na-
ture's magnificent volume of history, in which is written
the geological record of the great Colorado River Valley
and the vast Salton Basin. It shows that six times that
valley and basin have been under the waters of the river
and sea.

Modern history informs us that in 1538 Cabeza de
Vaca discovered the mouth of the Colorado. In 1540
Fernando Alarcon ascended the river from the gulf to
the head of the tidewater. In 1676 Father Eusebio Kino
came up the gulf and river to the mouth of the Gila, and
forty miles above, visiting the river Indian tribes, which
he wished to civilize and bring under church control.
Ten years later he came back with Father Pedro Garces,
Juan Diaz, Jose M. Moreno and Juan A. Berenche and
established three missions; one near what is now known
as Hanlons; one at the site of the present Indian school

THE RIVER COLORADO

(once Fort Yuma), and the third eight miles above
where the city of Yuma now is, on the east bank of the
river The missions were called in the order mentioned .
“Mission of the Apostle Peter and Paul,' „ The ^ ^macu-
late Conception of Mary and Saint Isabel. All ot the
missions were destroyed by Indians a short ti^ne la .

In 1745 Father Seldemeyer came, and while here the
Indians arose and killed every person connected with the
missions, thirty-three all told In 1776 Father Escalante
came from Santa Fe, New Mexico, down the Gila River
to Yuma, and down the Colorado to the gulf and*°
Ma°-daiena, Sonora, Mexico. The mission at Yuma had
been reestablished, but in July, 1779,
at mass, the Indians arose in a bodjr a..d ki..e< - -

sons sparing only women and children, \\hich they car
ried’into captivity, distributing them among the differ-
ent tribes. This ended the missions. #

In 1838 American trappers came in— Peg-leg Smith,
Pauline Weaver and Bill Williams, who followed the

rlVIn 1847 Gem Stephen Kearney, with U. S. Dragoons,
came through en route to San Diego, California. Next,
the emigrants to California gold mines, in 1849, came
through, and a ferry was put in at Yuma by G. W.
Lincoln. July 11, 1850, Louis J F. lager acquired the
ferry at Yuma and the emigrant travel increased. Also,
Benjamin Hartshorne, Geo. A. Johnson, Dr. Ogden
Ankrim, Minturn, Blake, Taffe, Moses and Archibald
came to Yuma to settle. During the years of 1850-51
about 30,000 emigrants passed Yuma lnt° California.
In the meantime, another ferry was established ten
miles below Yuma, where the river bends south and the
California trail leaves it, now known as Hanlons, ine
fare for crossing was from one to two and one-halt
dollars for each person, and five to ten dollars each
team. The lumber for the ferry boats ivas brought
across the desert from San Diego at twenty-five cents
a pound freight. On December 20, 1850, Captain H. A.
Willcox arrived at the mouth of the river in the schooner
Isabel, loaded with general supplies, and came up the
river thirty miles, to the head of tidewater. Tides rise
and fall at the head of the gulf from twenty to thirty
feet and rushes up the river at great speed, causing a
great bore as it meets the current, rendering navigation

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

impossible except at the time it floods or ebbs, and
then go with it either way.

In November, 1851, the Indians drove away Mr lager
and a party of soldiers, who were at Fort Yuma and
being pressed by them had taken refuge at laser's
stronger fort a few miles below Yuma. In the scrim!
mage, lager received three arrow wounds.

Febiuary 17, 1852, the schooner Sierra Madre, with
supplies for the troops which were expected overland
arrived at the mouth of the river and anchored in four

man°^H°4rater' A ^ew, days after, Majors Heintzle-
man and Stoneman arrived with six companies of U S

ar S t° garris°nvF°rt Yuma- As soon as the troops
.a™v®d; r®sef and his party returned. Hartshorne, John-
son and Willcox .iomed in taking a contract to Iw'ncr
stores up from the gulf to Fort Yuma. This was 'the

rontpnmT>,0f the business of freighting by the water
Xt -es^- salSe men organized as the Colorado
Steam In avigation Company and continued business until
the railroad came in 1878.

They commenced by using small barges propelled bv

niin^fnd P>° 6S at the hands of soldiers and Indians.
Heintzleman s command had thoroughly subdued the
hostile Indians of the lower river, and made a peace

frn^hwfS fneVer, afterwards broken.. These trip.Aook
rom f oi ty to sixty days. Mr. M inturn, who owned the
ferry at Hanlons, died early in 1853 and lager secured

Ions1 fernes’ the one at the f°rt and the one at Han-

<5nThe ste?!nboat on the river w'as the Uncle Sam.
She was brought to the mouth of the river in pieces in
the schooner Capacity, from San Francisco, and put to-
gether by Captain Turnbull. She reached Yuma De-
cember 2, 1852. She was a side-wheeler sixty-five feet

feef’of°w^-n o'tf rK!6 a,nd drew two and one-half
feet of water. She had a locomotive boiler of twenty

horse-power and carried twenty-five tons of freight on

Junet22WT854Cheh S1?e ran 0n the river until

June 22, 18o4, when she sank at her moorings at Pilot

Knob, ten miles below Yuma. All efforts to^raSe her

whTeeler!C°r-1dnfepmer wasAtheT General Jessup, a side-
4’vC pt'r George A- Johnson, master, which
eached Yuma January 18, 1854, with thirty-five tons

THE RIVER COLORADO

of supplies for the troops at the fort. She was 104 feet
long, seventeen feet wide and twenty-seven feet over
all, with a seventy horse-power engine and boiler, and
carried sixty tons on two feet of water. She was the
first steamboat to go above Yuma. In 1858 she went
twenty miles above where Fort Mohave and Hardyville
now are. On her return trip she met the little iron
steamer, Explorer, with which Lieut. Ives. U. S. topo-
graphical engineer, was exploring the Colorado River—
a stern wheeler and just sent out from New York in
pieces and assembled at the mouth of the river. When
the General Jessup reached Picacho, fifty miles above
Yuma, she ran on a rock and sank. The steamer, Colo-
rado Number 1, which was the fourth steamer on the
river, was sent to the Jessup’s rescue; raised her and
brought her down to Yuma. The Jessup ran the river
trade until August 25, 1858, when she blew up near
Ogden’s Landing, twenty-five miles this side of Lerdo’s
Cloony, killing two men. She was condemned and her
machinery sent to San Francisco. Lieut. Ives’ steamer,
Explorer, was the third steamer on the river; sent by
the government in 1857. She, after taking Lieut Ives
and party up-river to Mohave, ran on the Colorado and
Gila rivers until she made her last trip up the River
Gila after a load of wood. She became unmanageable
as she came out the mouth of the Gila and the river
current carried her down to Pilot Knob, where she made
fast to a tree. The bank, tree and all caved in; she then
floated into a slough eight miles below. The river
changed its channel and left her iron frame miles in-
land, to be eaten up by rust.

The fourth steamer on the river, as before mentioned,
was the Colorado Number 1, built in San Francisco and
sent down in pieces and put together at Yuma, at the
foot of Main Street, on the east bank of the river at
what is now the city of Yuma. She was the fastest boat
ever on the river. She was overhauled at the shipyard
of the Col. Steam Nav. Co., at Port Isabel, at the head of
the gulf, in 1858. At one time, the U. S. Government
paid $500 a day for her use, and for more than two
months of the three for which she was chartered, she
never turned a wheel. When condenmned, her ma-
chinery was put into the steamer, Colorado Number 2.
Her boiler lies in the river, just below the U. S. Quarter-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

master’s Building at Yuma, and her hull at the Gridiron,
near the mouth of the river.

The fifth steamer was the Cocopah Number 1, built
at Port Isabel, the company’s shipyard and dry dock,
located near the mouth of the river, on the east bank.
As the Delta is low, and overflowed at high tide, the
company constructed a levee or dyke, inclosing several
acres occupied by the shops, warehouse and dry dock.
There was deep water for ships, their cargoes being dis-
charged directly to the boats and barges and taken to
Yuma. The Mexican Government never had a custom
house there or interfered in any way with the commerce
of the port. After running a few years, the Cocopah
Number 1 was hauled out at Port Isabel and her hull
built up and converted into a warehouse. Her ma-
chinery was taken to San Francisco and put into the
steamer Hattie Ficket, which ran in the Sacramento
River trade.

In 1861-62 there came the gold discoveries at La Paz,
Ehrenberg and other places inland, which increased
very largely the transportation business up and down
the river, lead and copper ores being shipped out. Also,
the Civil War added to it by increased troop movement
and their supplies.

The Civil War was on and the California Volunteers
came to take the place of the regulars, who were taken
east. The Apaches were all on the war-path. October
30, 1856, Capt. Isaac Polhamus came out from the east.
A native of Renssalaer County, New York, he was an
old and experienced pilot on the Hudson River, and en-
tered the company’s service as master and superintend-
ent and remained with them until the railroad took over
the property in 1878. He was the captain who was
always entrusted with the up-river trips. He never had
an accident. He could read the channel and avoid the
bars of the swirling and turbid river as no other man
could. When he came there were, besides him, Capt.
A. D. Johnson, a native of Boston, educated as a ship
carpenter, and who worked in that capacity when such
work was needed, and Capt. D. C. Robinson, a native
of Baltimore, also a ship carpenter. When Lieut. Ives,
U. S. topographical engineer, came to explore the river
with his iron steamer, Explorer, in 1856-57, at the sug-
gestion of Capt. Polhamus, he employed Capt. Robinson

THE RIVER COLORADO

to navigate his boat. The Explorer was of steel con-
struction, brought to the mouth of the river by the
schooner Onward, where she was put together.

The original owners of the setamer line had at that
time retired from active participation in the river busi-
ness, and lived on their estates near San Diego, Cali-
fornia. Capt. H. A. Willcox and Capt. George A. John-
son both had families. Mr. Hartshorne attended to the
San Francisco end of the line. Henry Stevens, a native
of New York City, was superintendent at Yuma, a splen-
did business man. John Dow was bookkeeper and
agent, was a native of Portland, Maine, and came on
October 20, 1856. David Neahr was chief engineer, a
native of Westchester County, New York. He learned
his trade at the great locomotive works at Norristown,
Pennsylvania. He had been with the company from the
first as chief engineer, sometimes operating a boat, but
later in an advisory capacity.

The steamer, Cocopah Number 2, was the sixth boat,
and the steamer, Gila, was the seventh, all stern-wheel-
ers, and built especially for light draft with great horse-
power, as the river was shallow and obstructed by sand-
bars, except at flood season in midsummer when the
snows melted in the Rockies. As a rule, only freight
enough wTas loaded on the boats to give good traction to
the wheel and the barges were depended upon for the
larger part as a tow.

In 1867 Capt. Trueworthy brought his steamer, Es-
meralda, a stern-wTheeler, which he had been running
on the Sacramento River, from San Francisco, this being
the eighth boat on the river. To make his boat sea-
worthy, he closed in the sides and made the sea trip
successfully. He had the material on board for a barge
to be put together at the mouth of the river, also sup-
plies as freight for the Mormon settlements in Southern
Utah, to be delivered at the landing called Callville,
somewhere near the mouth of the Virgin River belowr
the Grand Canyon. This boat was to run as an opposi-
tion line to the Col. Steam Nav. Co. His first trip w^as
made up-river at a rather low stage of water. His boat
had too much draft, causing much delay on sand-bars.
When nearing his destination, his boat grounded so hard
he couldn't get it off in time; the sand accumulated and
finally the river, as was its habit, turned away and left

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

J“?J lnland; .Nothing daunted, the captain went out
into the mountains and brought skids; jacked un thr.
boat, and with his powerful windlass skidded her to the

±iis boat had the distinction of reaching the hie-hest

of'Snding"6 riVen Callville n6Ver became a “

The Nina Tilden was the next steamer to come about

rifaTiamer’tl: r«e fr0m San Francisc°. in charge of Capt
Charles C. Overman. She was a small stern-wheeler
and owned by the company that were to run an onnn
sition line to the Col. Steam Nav. Co. They had a barsre"
“ Francisco, which they converted £0 a four-
masted schooner and loaded her and named her the
ctona She carried 800 tons, mostly lumber. Capt.
.?• ^.o son "as master and sailed her to the mouth
both enffVer' ^3pt' /ohn Mellen was first officer. They
Nav rn™ fC ed the employ of the Col. Steam
lpn wao 'Vif ,caPtains °f barges and boats. Capt. Mel-
yearslfte^thfs °pe r° ^un, a steamboat on the river,
n 104- the ha(* acquired the line from

the Col. Steam Nav. Co. This last steamer was th^

of the' oiddbont« kaow her history, whether she was one
name mentioned, and given another

Railroad came to the river at the Needles.

1 must go back now in the narrative to March 186°
when ! arrived at Fort Yuma as an office? in the Fourth

” “eS'S H*;d 1?y, lhat “S s «t«d

depot, at Yuma, and handled all government freight,

S?nd£ ¥S,“d

•jo/?q 7-1 t . , ^ Arizona and New Mexico In

L tU V„mf ,«S* TEi0y 0< ‘he c°': Ste*™ N*”; 0

river from Port T^hii Tbf1 acc!uaintance with the

CaS.t?h,vPe0] "aSdVb; ,t E1 D°^°

small boat— -coming do»„ from Moh,™’, *nd ™" ,n a
Ihe oPositi°n lines, represented by the steam pvc Pc
meralda and Nina Tilden, having f.ifed, they S„E,5

***** ' ' r— — M

The Observer” — Steamboat on the Colorado River in the Sixties

THE RIVER COLORADO

and turned over to the Col. Steam Nav. Co. in 1868.
The barges were called the White Swan and the Black
Crook. Their three other barges were numbered 1, 2,
and 3. The barges White Fawn and Black Crook were
used some, but the two steamers were laid up as they
were not adapted to the Colorado, being of too great
draft. Besides, the company already had three boats,
Colorado, Cocopah and Gila, in commission and three
barges, 1, 2, and 3.

After the acquisition of the Esmeralda and Nina Til-
den, the company had in commission five steamers and
five barges. The inward freights all originated in San
Francisco. The company chartered small sailing vessels
of about 1,000 or 1,500 tons, as sea carriers. Some of
them 1 will name : The schooner Isabel, Brig josephine

and the Barque Clara Bell. These were regular char-
ters. In 1872 or 1873, the compnay put a steamship of
their own on the line from San Francisco to Port Isabel,
making regular trips, taking in the Mexican ports of
Guaymas and Mazatlan. This steamer, the name of
which I have forgotten, was able to care for the whole
business. She was a propeller, Capt. McDonough, who
had been master of the brig, Josephine, of the old line,
was made master of the steamer. He was a fine sea-
man, as I can testify, for, in 1869, my wife and I were
passengers on the brig, Josephine, which he commanded
on his voyage in August of that year, to the river. That
was the longest voyage on record, as to time — forty-two
days, encountering calms continually. McDonough went
down on the steamer, Pacific, about 1879.

The river boats depended on wood cut along the banks
to fire the boilers. Indians furnished most of it; Coco-
pahs on the lower and Yumas and Mohaves on the upper
river. I could follow up in this monologue with much
matter personal to those who were participants in the
events of years covering the earlier history of the Colo-
rado River region, but the limits of this narrative will
not permit it. At a later time I may do so. I must,
though, relate one very important event in my connection
with the river.

In May, 1863, the government ordered the re-occupa-
tion of Fort Mohave. It had been abandoned at the out-
break of the Civil War, in 1861, and Major Haller and
his company of the Third U. S. Artillery were with-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

drawn. I, as quartermaster at Fort Yuma, was ordered
to charter a steamer of the Col. Steam Nav. Co., and
load her with supplies for two infantry companies, who
were to march overland from Camp Drum, at Wilming-
ton, California, which was the garrison. The steamer,
Mohave, Capt. Polhamus in charge, was loaded May 13.
Lieut. James A. Hale, with a detachment of ten soldiers
as escort and guard aboard, started on the 250 mile
trip. The boat arrived at Mohave a few days ahead of
the troops. When Major Haller's command withdrew,
there being no whites in that section, and the Mohave
Indians being friendly, he gave the keys and all the
government property there into the custody of the head
Mohave chief, Sic-a-hote. Lieut. Hale reported, upon
arrival at the fort, and Sic-a-hote and hundreds of his
people met them and handed the lieutenant the keys
and helped get the supplies up into the warehouse,
which was several hundred yards from the boat landing
and on the bluff. They found everything intact, except
a few doors and windows which had been carried away
by miners from La Paz. The lieutenant, in considera-
tion of all this, turned over flour, hard bread, sugar and
other edibles sufficient for a feast, to the assembled
tribe.

Fort Mohave was first established in 1857 by Capt.
Burton and Lieut. Ayres, Sixth U. S. Infantry and Third
U. S. Artillery, respectively. After the Indians had
massacred a company of emigrants en route for Cali-
fornia, Major Armistead and Lieut. Levi N. Bootes,
Second U. S. Infantry, I think, conquered the Mohave
Indians in a battle a few miles below the fort. The
Indians were led by Chief Ir-a-ta-ba. He was the war
chief of the tribe. Major Armistead afterwards joined
the Confederate Army, and as Gen. Armistead led the
Confederate column in what is known as Pickett's
Charge — (Gen. George H. Pickett) — at the second day's
Battle of Gettysburg, July 2, 1864, where he was killed.
The writer has been on the ground where this Indian
fight occurred and had it described by Billy Furlong,
Armistead's servant, who was present. The soldiers
were formed in open order, their flanks protected by a
lagoon. Chief Ir-a-ta-ba charged the soldiers in a regu-
lar skirmish line, shooting arrows — they had no guns.
The soldiers were ordered to hold their fire until the

THE RIVER COLORADO

Indians got near enough, then the order was given to
fix bayonets. When Ir-a-ta-ba saw this, he concluded
they couldn’t shoot and told the Indians to rush and
kill them all with their clubs. Then the order was given
for each man to select his Indian and fire. The volley
killed many and put the rest to rout. It resulted in end-
ing the war and ever since the tribe has been friendly.

The Mohaves are physically the finest of the Arizona
Indians, and the bravest. They were nude, except^ for
the breech cloth which was colored red or blue. They
were all tattooed on the face with blue lines, as a tribal
mark. The women wore a tunic made from the inner
bark of the cottonwood ; bleached by immersion for
several weeks in water, then beaten into a fluffy fiber
and held by a belt around the hips. It was modest.

The climate of the upper Colorado Valley is hot and
dry. Records kept by the medical department of the
army make it the hottest military post in the United
States. Also, it is almost rainless. The Mohave Valley
extends from The Needles, which are sharp rocks rising
in the river canyon, fifty miles below the fort, to El
Dorado Canyon above. It was timbered by willow, cot-
tonwood and mesquite of two varieties, podded and
screw bean. These beans were the principal food of the
Indians. At the harvest times, they put them up in
silos, on platforms elevated on posts eight or ten feet,
to keep them from bear and coyotes. They also used
the seed of the millet-like grass that grew very rank
after the June overflow. They also grew wheat and
squashes on the damp bottoms, following the receding
water. They never have had to be fed by the govern-
ment. The women are industrious. Hardly a day
passes that they all do not take a bath and swim in the
river, which insures them a sanitary and healthful ex-
istence. Disease was hardly known among them until
they came in contact with the whites. They cremated
their dead. All the worldly effects of the deceased were
cast upon the funeral pyre, thus avoiding trouble in dis-
tributing estates among heirs. They allowed no adjoin-
ing tribes to trespass on their valley and maintained a
regular line of pickets, or police, up and down the
valley. At daylight each patrol could be heard passing
the word that all was well.

In 1864, John Moss, discoverer of the Moss Lode, rich

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

March d’l 8fi^S a£ent. f°r the Mohaves. In

liarcn, 1865, this agent conceived the idea of taking

the great war chief, Ir-a-ta-ba, to the city of Washimr

do" so0 STV1Prerdefnt Lin,coln- He sot the authority to
do so They first went to San Francisco, thence bv
steamer, via Panama, to New York, arriving in Wash
ington in time to see the grand review of thf combined

Avelfue °in ^May* S5 Shf™h‘t, th™Sh,

avenue, in lviaj, 1865. Probably one of the eranrW

military pageants of all time. Ir-a-ta-ba was on the re-

v ewing stand and saw it all. When he left for this trin

his people could not understand it, and his lone con-

tnSence ,caused great distrust and uneasiness

aSddSd<’ XT,T m“ny chlld!;en’ *“

So aea^. One day, wora came that Ir-a-ta-ba wac
en route home. A cloud of dust on the western horizon

river°S Sam Todd°?h tyfin de““>di"* «l»“e to To

ine- anH kshf’ th feryman> had his boat at the land-
“}f A * A Was seen by his People. They were
Present on the opposite shore, as he stepped into
the boat He was over six feet tall. A few strokes of

A; °a.rs br°U,ght him t0 the sh°re. I was an interested*
spectator and must describe his dress and appearance
He was most solemn and dignified. He had on a cocked

immmm

and IftSer?hadndnh^ntT0f ^S^arfers to recede £?£
which wA infA^A v Ir-fta'ba addressed his people.

A'sfLrsc'A'ss; *si *a

THE RIVER COLORADO

saw, and the multitudes of white people and all the
other things so foreign to his conception of his limited
world. As he closed his address, he turned to the crowd
and in an impressive manner told them of the white
soldiers of the parade and of their numbers; more than
the leaves of the cottonwoods along the river; that the
Mohaves must never go to war with the whites, as they
were too numerous and had too many guns. As a finale
to this spectacle, the captain ordered the commissary
officer, Lieut. Nason, to make an issue of enough rations
to feed the crowd, which adjourned to the river bottom
and soon had fires going and everybody happy on a full
stomach.

The following day Ir-a-ta-ba appeared around the
post. He still had his uniform, but had discarded his
shoes and cocked hat. After a handshake, he produced
from his pocket about a hundred photographs, which
had been presented to him while on his tour. They were
all autographed by givers, who were congressmen and
their wives and state and government oficials, army and
navy officers mostly. The collection was most valuable
and interesting. It was not long until Ir-a-ta-ba had re-
lapsed into his old life and his finery went into the
scrap. The agent said the Jap sword and the orders
and jewels on his coat were presented by an English
nobleman, the rest by army officers and congressmen.
The jewels were large, but evidently glass.

Ir-a-ta-ba is the Indian who purchased the Oatman
girls, Olive and Mary, from the Apaches, in 1851, when
the family was attacked at Oatman Flat, on the Gila.
The father and mother were killed; Ira, the son,
wounded and left for dead but afterward recovered, the
girls being carried into captivity. Several years after-
wards they were rescued by Henry Grinnel, of Yuma,
who paid Ir-a-ta-ba for delivering Olive to him at Yuma.
Mary had died. The government sent Olive to her
uncle in California — Dr. Oatman, who lived in Santa
Rosa, Sonoma County.

I now go back to 1863, and the steamer, Cocopah, on
her return trip. May 2, the two companies having ar-
rived at Fort Mahove — Capt. Fitch’s Company B, and
Capt. Atchison’s Company I, Fourth California Infantry
—David J. Williamson, first lieutenant and regimental
quartermaster, having received and receipted for the

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

triDPliThpthhLfeamlr’ ,CTocoPah> started on her return
nnP boat reachecI La Paz the first night and tied

“P’T ,B<>ats never run at night on the Colorado. Several
of Lieut. Hale s soldier escort were in need of sutmlies
and were permitted to go to the town, which was ^o me
^ce from the river, to make purchases. The nio-ht

arms liYhi’n d ^ Aim, ®xpecti,nf an attack, they left their
“™s r?11111.?- , About ten o’clock, they collected in from

on ?h°inWfaterS St°ur\t0 return, ’when fire was opened
on them from ambush, killing Privates Wentworth and
Behn and wounding Private Gainer and one other whose
5 The wounded me " wSS'Jrippto

to arrp'ct n, effort was made by the citizens of La Paz

Confederates, rfSP-'K eomm.nd'wh’S'h' d ”me A
feated at the bittles ^“in'de' d<"

,, Wh?n the Cocopah arrived at Yuma on the 22 of
May, there was great excitement among the troops It

returnrt0oPLaedPot07 PU$ 3 for.Ce aboard ^ steamTr and
.®„ilrn to La Paz and investigate and arrest the nerne-

trators, if possible. Word was sent down that the sus-
pected parties had left for New Mexico and nothing was

at^Mohav abAUttm' ** r®sulted in one of the companies
at Mohave Atchison’s Company I, being stationed at

Mohave. “ntl1 N°Vember’ 1863’ ^ey ISZtd to

, was about this time that Ehrenberg was made the

industry m those early years

“•wSL'eSs TTh£ N™

H, 3? ass

broadside to the combers, her top works being carried
away into the gulf. Her machinery was hauled out on
the bank, after her hull was cut away, the latter follow
mg the upper works into the gulf. lollou-

The schooner, Victoria, which was 186 feet long, was

THE RIVER COLORADO

loaded with lumber. On arriving, she went up the river
25 miles to Horse Shoe Bend and anchored. During an
incoming tide, she drifted on her anchor and one of the
flukes stove a hole in her bottom. She was towed into
Starvation Point Slough, where the tules were very thick
and high. The Indians set the tules on fire, which ig-
nited her rigging and hull, and what was left of her
lumber floated down the gulf and was lost.

One by one, as the older steamers were worn out, they
were taken to the common grave at Port Isabel, their
machinery taken out; their works dismantled and their
skeletons left there to perish with time and tide.

The steamer, Mohave Number 1, was the most power-
ful one ever on the river. When she was worn out, her
machinery was taken to San Francisco and put into the
steamer, Onward, and ran on the Sacramento for years
after. When the S. P. R. R. reached the river, in 1877,
to meet possible competition they bought all the steam-
ers, barges and ferries.

The Colorado is a mighty stream in the months of
May, June, July and August. The average depth at the
railroad bridge for years has been twenty feet, or 100,-
000 cubic feet per second. The other months it gets low.
The proposed retaining dams would distribute the water
throughout the season and prevent waste. Not a drop
should be permitted to go into the gulf when the im-
provements are completed. None of the tributaries of
the river, entering below the Grand Canyon, now con-
tribute much to its volume except for short periods,
when heavy rains occur, as they have been diverted by
farmers for irrigation. There may be a heavy under-
ground flow' that can be recovered by pumping, as cheap
power is produced at the dams.

The only dam on the Colorado at the present time,
1928, is the Laguna Dam, thirteen miles above Yuma,
where the water is raised about twelve feet. It only
serves for the diversion of water for irrigating the Yuma
Indian Reservation, and bottom land on the California
side, and the Yuma Valley below the junction of the
Gila on the Arizona side, as the water is carried across
the river at Yuma in an inverted syphon, made of con-
crete fourteen feet diameter, ninety feet below the bot-
tom of the river 'and about 600 feet to the Arizona side,
where it is brought up and carried along the mesa down

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

about twenty-six miles to the Mexican boundary. At a
point below Yuma an electric power plant raises the
water to the mesa, where extensive citrus planting is
being done; this area being frostless and producing a
very fine, thin-skinned fruit. Water is also diverted
from the dam on the east or Arizona side into the Gila
Valley, norJi side. Several miles below Yuma the great
Imperial Valley Canal is diverting water in Lower Cali-
fornia territory. At low stages of water a temporary
dam is installed. Fifty per cent of this water is used
m Lower California.

The full development of the river will tax the re-
sources of the general government, as well as the ad-
1™/ states and requires many years, but will be of

countlvVatUlarge e Stat6S °f the southwest- als° of the

The men who have been most directly connected with
the river development, and this article is too limited to
include all, have passed away, in so far as the writer

Wiwf' TCapt'pGil°‘ A- Johnson’ A- D- Johnson, A. S.
Wilcox, Isaac Polhamus, Steve Thorne, D. C. Robinson

fW • eI?’ D' /• Co.lson> Henry Stevens, John Dow,’

Chas. H. Bnmley, Jas. A. Finley, Capt. C. W. Meeden
Frank Townsend, Joe Godfrey, Ben Christie, Charlie

Neabr’ W‘ J)omngTton> Louis J- F. lager, David

Neahr, McAfee, Manny, Lowe — these men were super-

Am«detfct8’ en^meera and agents- There was also Sam
I l l?LUfiinV r agent, and many others whose names
1 do not recall. Living in that early period was not lux-

farpUS Twfft hardtack and bacon was the regular
fooH hot climate was too much for perishable

Tr£h ™ Bllttcr and mil,k. was out of the question;

rlnepH^fv, es 3 ™nty— nothing of farm products pro-
duced in the nearby region. Occasionally a team would

t0 L°S Angeles- That was the term we all
used when anyone went to California. It was really
°" 3'de- UP.0.11 returning, we brought such things as

™ l markets afforded, and that was not

much more than we had at home.

It is strange what an infatuation the desert had for
°n?.e Permanently Planted they just get
™ted to ,th.e s0!l and cannot get loose. Misery loves
company, it is said and that may account for some of it.
The writer, the only relic of the earlier day, still feels

THE RIVER COLORADO

the attraction of the desert sun. The sun moves the
planets, the tides of the ocean and is THE LIFE. We
all worship at the shrine of the great Orb of Day, and
are gloomy when his face is hidden by clouds.

Supplementary Notes by E. D. Tuttle

When Arizona was organized in 1863, its boundaries
were not the same as now. In 1871, that part lying on
the west side of the river Colorado in the northwest
afterwards included in Pah Ute County, was taken
from Arizona and annexed to the state of Nevada. The
strip of territory lying on the east side of the river Colo-
rado below the mouth of the Gila, which was included in
California according to its southern boundary as de-
scribed in the Act of Admission to the Union as a state
in 1850, was by Congress taken from California jurisdic-
tion and added to Arizona about 1870 or 1871. I find
no mention made of the transfer in any of the books or
histories of Arizona. As that strip had been the source
of much controversy up to that transfer, to Arizona, is
my reason for referring to it here. The southern boun-
dary line of California as described in the Act of Ad-
mission, “commenced at the junction of the Gila and
Colorado rivers; thence in direct line to the mouth of
the Tia Juana river at the Pacific Ocean.” The Colo-
rado at its junction with the Gila turns a little north-
westerly for about ten miles, where it again turns in its
general southern trend to the Gulf of California.

The direct line as described cut right through the city
of Yuma, leaving a strip between the line and the river
down to the Algodones, where the river turned south
and crossed the line and again became the line between
Baja California and the Gadsden Purchase, afterwards
New Mexico and later Arizona. The buildings of the
Colorado Steam Navigation Company were in this strip,
the U. S. Quartermaster's depot, several stores and
residences also. The property was assessed, and boats
were registered in San Diego County. People in the
strip voted in San Diego County also. When Arizona
Territory enacted her laws and appointed county offi-
cers in 1864, Yuma County levied taxes, issued licenses
and claimed jurisdiction of her courts in this strip. The
residents in the strip continued to pay taxes and vote in
San Diego County, refusing Yuma county claims. Fi-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

nally, Major Macus D. Dobbins, District Attorney of
Yuma county, brought suit vs. The Col. Steam Nav. Co.
in 1869. The company filed an answer and a demurrer
and its attorneys referred the matter to Hon. J. 0. Ham-
ilton, Attorney General of California, who presented the
matter at Washington, which resulted in giving Arizona
full jurisdiction in all powers of government. I never
knew what proceedings were had in settlement. It
would be interesting to the present generation to know.

It is probable that no one in authority knew in 1850
of the freak bend in the Colorado to the northwest, when
the congress fixed California's boundaries. The boun-
dary line between Mexico and the Gadsden Purchase
was surveyed several years after the treaty and the true
situation known. The misfortune of it all is, that our
commissioner, Mr. Gadsden, did not stand for a line
that would have given Arizona a port at the head of
the gulf. It would have only taken in Mexican territory
entirely uninhabited at that time and has remained so
to the present, and would have relieved the improve-
ment of the river of some of its complications.

In 1867, Yuma was made a Port of Entry and Mr.
R. B. Kelly came from Chicago as Deputy Collector of
Customs. This added to the troubles of the transporta-
tion company, as the boats received their cargoes in
Mexico and passed through foreign territory to reach
Yuma. Consequently the collector must be furnished by
the company manifests of cargo upon arrival of each
boat and take out clearance when leaving for the mouth
of the river. As no foreign importations were made,
there were no duties to be paid. The collector’s duties
were light, to see no smuggling was allowed, to draw
his salary and make quarterly reports. There was never
any Mexican Customs Officials at the gulf or the line.
In those early years some smuggling w^as reported along
the Texas, New Mexico and Arizona line to the east, but
not on the river line.

The Indian tribes inhabiting the Colorado River Val-
ley, at the time American occupation began, were dis-
tributed, commencing at its mouth, about as follows:
The “Cocopahs” around the head of the Gulf and fifty
miles above, in Lower California, ranging over the lower
Imperial Valley and Cocopah Mountains. The “Yumas”
occupied the country next above up to the Chimney

THE RIVER COLORADO

Peaks (or Picachos) fifty miles above the mouth of the
Gila river; living mostly on the California side where
the present Yuma Indian Reservation is. The “Chema-
huaves” occupied the California side above in what is
known as the Chemahuave Valley, or Palo Verde Valley,
ranging over the Mohave desert to the west to the Mo-
have River country. They were not very numerous.
The “Ah-moke-haves” (their original and proper name)
now known as “Mohaves,” occupied the country on the
Arizona side from the Yuma country, now the Colorado
Indian Reservation and both sides of the river up to
Cottonwood Island, which is about thirty miles above
Fort Mohave; now become the Mohave Indian School.
Their principal home is the Mohave Valley, which oc-
cupies sixty miles of the river above The Needles, which
are sharp points of rocks where the river cuts through
the mountain range. These sharp rock pinnacles are
high and very conspicuous. The valley is several rniie3
broad, mostly on the Arizona side, and contains much
arable land. The Mohaves and Yumas speak the same
language and have the same customs and physical ap-
perance, being tall, muscular and well developed with
handsome features, and of a light copper color. They
differ from the Cocopahs, who are smaller, darker and
with a different language, which is said to be the same
as the Apache language, which they resemble. The
“Pah-Utes” occupy the river above the Mohaves up to
the Grand Canyon. Their range is extensive, covering
all the desert country to the north and west in Califor-
nia and Nevada and Southern Utah. The “Wallipais”
occupy the Grand Canyon and to the south to Bill Wil-
liams River. Their country is mountainous and elevated,
cool and salubrious in climate and rich in mineral and
nutritious grasses; wooded with cedar and juniper.

The Colorado and its tributaries drains one of the
richest mineral regions on the American Continent. The
value of its water when diverted to the use of agricul-
ture can hardly be computed; but its greatest benefits
will be derived' from the power in its never failing wat-
ers, as they drop to the lower valleys; developed at its
various levels by dams, and applied to the multifarious
uses of modern civilized life. The power, which prob-
ably when fully realized will exceed ten Niagaras, will
require much time and vast capital. The latter is avail-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

able at any moment; but time when lost is gone forever.
Let there be no unnecessary delay in initiating the work.
United we stand, divided we fall. Unity moves moun-
tains; wrangling and division halts at a mole hill.

In referring to the original and proper name of the
Mohaves I have as my authority the statement of the
Indians—' “Ah-moke” is “Three” in their language and
the present tribe was formed by uniting three branches
called “Haves”; therefore; Ah-moke-Haves (3 Haves).

■

ARIZONA WOMAN’S EXPERIENCES

EXPERIENCES OF A PIONEER ARIZONA WOMAN

(By Sarah Butler York)

I have been asked to give you some sketches of my
pioneer life, and if you will excuse a simple story told
in a simple way, I will try to give you a few of the ex-
periences which came to us: first on the long journey
from Missouri to New Mexico; second, on the trip from
New Mexico to Arizona, and others during our life on
the cattle ranch on the Gila River, twenty miles south of
Clifton, Arizona.

In the spring of 1873, a party of sixteen persons, four
women, seven men and five children, started from the
central' part of Missouri to find homes in the far west;
all were hoping to better their fortunes, and a few, in-
cluding myself, were seeking health ; some kind neigh-
bors advised my husband to put a spade in the wagon
thinking it might be needed, but I was anxious to make
the trial.

Our train consisted of covered wagons, drawn by
oxen and a herd of cattle, driven by the younger men
who were on horses. Our long, tedious journey required
four months. You will realize that our progress was
slow because all our possessions such as food, clothing,
bedding, cooking utensils and tents were packed in the
wagons, besides the women and children. Nine miles
a day was the average distance we covered. Travelers
now going over the same route at an average of fifty
miles an hour will, no doubt, think of us with pity— but
though slow we were sure. We were fortunate in re-
gard to the weather as there was not much rain. On
stormy nights the men did the cooking while the women
and children remained in the wagons or tents, but we
were usually so cramped from sitting all day we were
glad to get out for exercise, if possible. After we
reached the plains, wood for cooking was our greatest
problem and it was some time before the women would
consent to use a fire made of buffalo chips. Afterwards
we made a joke of it, and would laugh to see some of
the fastidious young men come into camp with a sack of
chips on their shoulders; the old chips that had laid
there for vears through all kinds of weather certainly
made a wonderful fire. By that time another party of

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

four men, driving a larger bunch of cattle, had joined us
and we welcomed the addition, believing there was more
safety in numbers. We could hear the prairie chickens
most every morning and passed large herds of buffaloes
at different times and saw many antelopes. Our men
killed several antelopes and two buffaloes on the way
and the fresh meat was very acceptable; however, I
would not care for a diet of buffalo meat. One day they
had wounded a large buffalo and chased it until it was
very tired. Our camp happened to be in the way, so he
came right through. The women and children took
refuge in the wagons, much disturbed over the uninvited
guest. The work that has been done to preserve the
buffaloes reminds me of what I saw when we touched at
one point in Wes tern Kansas. The Union Pacific Rail-
road, sportsmen on board the trains had shot the buffa-
loes down until they lay by the hundreds, and were left
to decay without even removing the skins. It was pitiful
to see an act of such vandalism.

When we came through the Sioux and Fox Indian
Reservations in Western Kansas one of the men missed
his dog. After we were camped he went back to look
for it, but was unsuccessful, but when he became angry
and drew his revolver the Indians took him into a tepee
where the dog was tied ; no doubt they were preparing
to have a feast of dog meat.

The government had built good stone houses of two
rooms for these Indians, but they would not use them
and were living in ragged tepees nearby. They had
used the floors and the window and door casings for
fires.

We saw many Indians, but no hostiles, although we
had been warned before starting not to cross the Ar-
kansas River. I was fortunate in being the first to see
the mountains, which to me was a glorious sight, as it
was just at sunrise. None of the party had seen a moun-
tain and all were very much excited with our first view
of the Rockies in Colorado; we repoiced, too, that we
were nearing the promised land, and a land of promise
it indeed proved to most of us. Some felt they were
too far from civilization and returned to the old home,
but the families remained and prospered. It was a rough
life, living in log cabins with dirt roofs, forty miles from
a post ofifce or supplies. An ox team was our only

ARIZONA WOMAN’S EXPERIENCES

means of travel and yet we were gloriously full of life
and health. We had lived at this beautiful place at the
foot of the Rocky mountains three years when we
learned that we were on the old Maxwell Grant and
could get no title to the land. We had read of the
possibilities of the Gila Valley, pronounced with a hard
G, of course, so my husband decided to come still farther
west and left us in the spring of 1877. In October of
the same year he made arrangements with a Mr. Chand-
ler, who owned and operated a large ox train, to bring
us a distance of five or six hundred miles; so with my
two little daughters of eleven and six years and a baby
girl fourteen months, we boarded an ox train, which
consisted of sixteen immense wagons, each drawn by
ten or twelve yoke of oxen. The one provided for us
was a good sized spring wagon with bows and canvas
cover, trailed behind the last wagon. In this we carried
our clothes and bedding; the bed was rolled up in the
back of the wagon during the day; at night we spread
it in the bottom and made a fairly comfortable bed.
The man who owned the train promised to make the
trip in six weeks, but on account of having poor oxen
and encountering stormy weather, we were almost three
months on the way. Some nights the oxen would wan-
der so far they could not be found in time to move on
next day and we would be compelled to remain in camp
much against our will, for when we were moving, even if
it were ever so little, we felt we were drawing nearer
the end of our journey. The drivers were all Mexicans.
After camp was made at night and the teams were
turned loose a large fire was built for the men, and a
smaller was made near our wagon. The provisions and
cooking utensils were brought to my wagon as, unless
it was very cold or snowing, I did my own cooking. In
case of stormy weather food was brought to us. If
there was snow the men would scrape it off, cut pine
boughs and build a wind break, then we would wrap up
and sit out by the fire. They were good to the children
and would want to hold them. This would have been a
rest for me, as I had to hold my baby all day to keep
her from falling out of the wagon, but they were so
filthy and infested with vermin I didn't dare allow them
to help me, and as it was we did not entirely escape. We
learned a few Mexican words, the alphabet and how to

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

count. Mr. Chandler said we were not to ask the mean-
ing of their songs as we could enjoy them better not to
know. Since we were so long on the road our pro-
visions gave out and we had to use the same food pro-
vided for the Mexicans; beans, flour, coffee, bacon and
dried fruit. One night we camped near a white family
who were going in the opposite direction; the man had
killed a bear and gave us some of the meat, which we
enjoyed. These were the only white people I saw after
leaving Albuquerque and we passed through no towns
except little Mexican plazas.

Mr. Chandler had told us what route we would take
and the towns we would pass through so I could get
mail, but after he started he changed his route twice
and I had not a line from anyone for almost three
months. My people back in the old home, thinking we
were at the mercy of half savages, as they judged the>
Mexicans to be, were very anxious, and my husband
was anxious, too, although he had confidence in the
man's promise to bring us through safely. Fortunately,
we were perfectly well all the time. If any of us had
been seriously ill nothing could have been done. One
Mexican did die one night in the wagon next to ours.
We heard him moaning and calling on God to help; it
was bitterly cold and no one went to him. The next
morning they seemed very much surprised to find him
dead. We had to stay over one day so they could carry
the body to a little plaza and lay it in consecrated
ground. I thought it would have been more Christian
to have taken care of him while he was alive.

The train moved so slowly we would take turns walk-
ing in good weather and could easily keep up with the
wagons. The children gathered quantities of pinon
nuts and in the evening the men helped to roast them.
We passed many hours cracking and eating them as we
moved along.

The first word I had from my husband was a note
sent by some teamsters. This message reached me fifty
miles out of Silver City. Two days afterwards he met
us with a light wagon and a team of large mules. That
was a joyful meeting and we gladly said goodbye to
the plodding old oxen. It seemed that we were flying
as we bowled along the last twenty-five miles to Silver
City, where we arrived at six o'clock in the evjening to

ARIZONA WOMAN’S EXPERIENCES

find our little adobe house all ready for us, even the
wood was laid ready for a fire in the Mexican fireplace,
built in one corner of the room. How good it was to
feel a floor under our feet and to have a comfortable
bed on which to rest! My husband was very proud to
think I would undertake such a journey to be with him,
but I told him to make the most of it for, knowing what
it meant, I would never do it again, alone.

I have made other journeys equally as tiresome and
dangerous, when one was afraid of Indians behind every
tree or rock. If we were traveling by night we imag-
ined every soap weed was an enemy running, but he
was with us and told us never to look for an Indian,
because he would always hear the shot first.

Silver City, where we arrived the last of December,
1877, was quite a small place then. It is the county seat
of Grant County, New Mexico, and at that time the sil-
ver mines were in active operation. There were also
many large and small cattle ranches and sheep herds
scattered over the country and a number of small farms
or ranches, as we call them in this 'western country.
These were located in the valleys around and all were
drawing their supplies from Silver City, which trading
made the town a very flourishing and prosperous place.
It is beautifully situated and has a fine climate. We re-
mained in this place, where my husband was engineer
in the smelter, for over two years, then he took a herd
of cattle on shares from Harvey Whitehill, sheriff of the
county, and moved them out on the Gila river only a
few miles from the Arizona line. After the cattle were
located he returned for the family and we again em-
barked in a wagon, but this time it was drawn by horses.
We were only two days making the trip over the Con-
tinental Divide, through the Burro mountains by way of
Knight's Ranch. There we saw the burned remains of a
wagon, household goods and wearing apparel scattered
about where the Indians had massacred a family a short
time before. We passed over a long dry mesa to a
crossing on the Gila and drove down the valley past a
few scattered ranches to the cattle ranch where we were
to live for a year in a Jacel house, made by setting posts
close together in the ground and daubing them with
mud. It had a dirt roof and floor. While we lived at
this place I taught school in one of the rooms, having an

74 ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

enrollment of nine children, including my two. With
the proceeds of this venture I bought my first sewing
machine. After a year we moved fourteen miles down
the river into Arizona and settled on government land,
which is now called York Flat. There were a few shacks
on the place, and my husband soon had built a large
adobe house with shingle roof, windows and floors which
were a real luxury. Here we felt at home once more.
Our house was a stopping place for travelers going from
the railroad at Lordsburg to Clifton and the Longfellow
Mines, which were owned and controlled by the Lesin-
skys. We entertained a number of interesting people;
men who would be welcome guests in any society and
more than welcome to us. They were very cordial and
friendly and made an effort to give us the news of the
outside world. Some of those I like to remember were
Colonel Lee and Governor Sheldon, of Santa Fe ; H. W.
Lawton, Gen. John A. Logan, the Churches, who were
the first owners of the mines at Morenci; many army
officers, and Archibald Clavering Gunter, a story writer,
who wrote profusely. One of his most interesting stories
is “Miss Nobody of Nowhere, ” a rather exciting story of
Indian troubles in the neighborhood of the ranch. The
Indians were hostile and made a raid somewhere through
the country twice a year, in the spring and fall when the
grass and water was plentiful for their ponies. One time
all the settlers got together about twenty miles up the
river, making the trip at night because the Indians never
attack at night or during a storm. We stayed at that
ranch a week; sometimes the men would fill gunny
sacks with sand and pack the windows half way and
we would stay at the ranch. At other times everyone
forted at Duncan and on this occasion the cowTboys fol-
lowd the Indians several days and pressed them so
closely a squaw dropped her papoose which was strap-
ped in the basket. The baby was so filthv the women
had trouble getting it clean. A family named Adams
took the child, a boy, and as he grew he developed the
Indian traits. He was very cruel with other children
and often struck at them with a hammer or rock. At
one time he slashed a little boy with a knife, but was
caught before the boy was badly hurt. The Indians
traveled fast, only stopping long enough to run off the
horses or kill a beef or human being they found. I do

ARIZONA WOMAN’S EXPERIENCES

not remember them ever attacking a house, for the
Apache Indians are great cowards and never fight in
the open. A rattlesnake is a more honest enemy, be-
cause he, at least, warns one before striking. At one
time five hundred Indians passed the ranch and, as it
was round-up time, they killed a good many cattle and
one man in sight of the house and two others a few miles
above. Another time we heard the shot that killed a
young man who had been at the ranch an hour before,
playing croquet. There are many other incidents I
could mention, but will not at this time.

If the men were late coming in from their rides after
the cattle I was very uneasy and could not rest. My
husband would scoldingly say that he always trailed a
cow until he found her, and that I must get used to his
being away. I often told him the day might come when
he would wish I would become uneasy and send men
to hunt him. This proved true, for if I had known it
was Indians instead of rustlers who had stolen our
horses three years later I would have sent men to his
relief and he would not have been ambushed and killed.

After my husband’s death I was compelled to remain
at the ranch, as all we had was there. With the five
children, the oldest sixteen and the youngest eight
months, I went through many rough and dangerous ex-
periences. The children’s education was a serious prob-
lem. I tried taking them to California, but things went
wrong at the ranch and I was sent for. I brought with
me a young lady teacher, who stayed with us two years
and took entire charge of the children ; then we had an-
other teacher for the same length of time. Altogether
we had four and this arrangement proved much more
satisfactory than sending them away from home.

Many things crowd into my mind, but I shall bring my
story to a close by saying to you dear young people, who
are starting out in life and are feeling, sometimes, that
you are having many hardships to contend with in these
rough mining camps, that if you just stop and think how
much better you are situated than we of the earlier days
were, you will have very much to be appreciative and
thankful for. SARAH BUTLER YORK.

720 Westlake Ave.,

Los Angeles, Calif.

Dec. 15, 1923.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

PETE KITCHEN — ARIZONA PIONEER
RIFLEMAN AND RANCHMAN

By FRANK C. LOCKWOOD
Dean of the College of Liberal Arts
University of Arizona

Pete Kitchen was the connecting link between sav-
owy 1"? civHtzattcn in Arizona. He was a rough
charcoa1 sketch of a civilized man. He came to Arizona
m lb54, and farmed rich, broad acres on Potrero Creek
near its junction with the Santa Cruz. During the blood-

wntridays °f ^dian warfare his name was a household
L f.an?°ng the w.1?11te s.ettlers, and to the wild Apache
m."i. m.ore terriDle tnan any army with banners.”
Vm*ii 1Si ^aci^nd1a: situated on the summit of a rocky

mt°hCka°fVoerr 0fl0klng the, valIey in every direction, was as
tho ,, fi f0rias Aa ra"ch-house- On their raids through

loU WD n® Apache? passed by ^ both coming aid
Kt?b,e,n was, almost the last settler to hang on
aftei the withdrawal of the troops in 1861. His ranch
was the safest point between Tucson and Magdlfena
Sonora, and during the darkest days of Apache war-
fare miners settlers and travelers made it a sort of
rallying point. Thomas Casanega, who lived on I near-

Peteamtchenthtenarlytnay?’ and who married a niece of
•Fete Kitchen, tells with sincerity that there were more

thfrest lf SAn^ h ottrer° and Magdalena than in all
tne rest ot the Apache territory; that so many men lost

wore * ri“ tw?i "“T' that if their I’Mies

a track'fro^Nogales to' VSlS? "eS ,heJ’

The flat roof of Kitchen's adobe ranch-house was sur-
rounded by a parapet three or four feet hie-h and a

L^caL oraLacT31 Ttly posted to sound the alarm

H»e“po,°,f,j ‘STL “med sr

the guard would hS gZ ,1 l

signal to the Indian and Mexican workmen in the fields

alone. When the alarm w J

PETE KITCHEN

around her to make them look like trousers, seized her
gun, and with the help of the Opata Indians, who were
employed to fight as well as to farm, she would give the
Apaches a reception as hot as her Mexican dishes. Pete
Kitchen was the only settler whom the Apaches could
not dislodge. They made raid after raid, and shot his
pigs so full of arrows that they looked like “walking
pin cushions.” They killed or drove out his bravest
neighbors; they killed his herder and slaughtered his
stepson, but Pete Kitchen fought on undaunted. His
name struck terror to every Apache heart, and, at last,
finding that he was too tough a nut to crack, they passed
him by.

The tragedy that rocked the Kitchen family was the
murder of an adopted son, about twelve years of age —
Crandal by name. One day the boy went with the
Mexican laborers to work in the field below the house,
to the south. He grew drowsy and fell asleep in the
hay. A band of Apaches rushed on the Mexicans and
began firing. Pete heard one shot, and then another,
and another. When the fight began the Mexicans ran
for the house, forgetting all about the boy. He woke
up just as the Indians were upon him, and the savages
shot him. Pete had a number of Opata Indians at work
in the field to the west of the house. When the alarm
was given they came in at once. At this instant an
Apache lookout, posted behind a boulder six hundred
yards to the east, on the opposite ridge, rose up and
waved a signal to the Apaches in the field to hurry.
Pete drew down on this Indian in the brief moment
that he exposed himself and killed him at that great
distance. He said he drew a bead about six inches
above the Apache’s head. The bullet pierced his body.
After the fight was over, Kitchen went with some of
his men and buried the Indian where he fell.

Many stories are told about the old ranchman’s alert-
ness, markmanship and cool courage. He was never
caught napping. He was as ready with his gun as he
was sure of his mark. The Indians were never able to
ambush him. He never traveled the same road twice.
He was a generous and companionable man, but there
was a certain grim jocularity in his dealings with his
enemies. He was once riding along the road, through
greasewood, cactus and mesquite, with his double-bar-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

reled shotgun thrown across his saddle-bow, when he
thought he saw a slight stirring of the bushes in front
of him a little way to the right. Swinging his gun very
quietly into position for use, he rode steadily toward the
bush. Just before he reached it, a man leaped suddenly
into view with his revolver drawn and called :

“Throw up your hands!”

Instantly, with both barrels of his gun cocked, Pete
covered the fellow and said :

“Throw up YOUR hands!”

The man dropped his weapon to the ground, threw up
his hands, and yelled:

“Don’t shoot, Pete ! I wasn’t going to kill you ; I was
only going to rob you!”

“Just what I was going to do to you,” said Pete.
“Shell out!”

The fellow did so, but the amount produced was only
thirty-five cents. Pete threw him two-bits, and said:

“Now, clear out, and never let me catch you around
here again.”

Some bandits from Sonora once stole two or three of
Kitchen’s favorite horses. He took up their trail while
it was still hot, followed them across the line and, pur-
suing them day and night for about three days, at last
came up with them. He killed one, one fled, and he
captured the third, and recovered the horses. As soon
as he recrossed the Arizona line and could safely do so,
he made camp so that he could get some sleep, being
almost dead for lack of it.

The prisoner, tied hand and foot, and with a rope
around his neck, was left on horseback under the limb
of a tree to which the other end of the rope was at-
tached. In telling this story, Pete was wont to punch
his listener in the ribs with his thumb and say, with a
chuckle :

“You know, while I was asleep, that damned horse
walked off and left that fellow hanging there.”

Pete Kitchen had his own little “boothill.” It was
just in front of the ranchhouse, where the railroad track
is now. Here the dead of his own hacienda were buried
and, also, outlaws and desperadoes whom he shot and
killed. He hung two bandits and buried them there.
Dona Rosa, being a good Catholic, burned candles on
the graves of these bad men, who had fought their

PETE KITCHEN

light, had finished their course, and with their boots
on had been sent to their reward by the strong right
arm of her husband.

About 1880, John MacArthur, the youngest scion of
the famous MacArthur family, was rendezvousing at
Pete Kitchen’s ranch and enjoying large luscious slices
of the wild Southwest. He was, perhaps, causing his
father and the older brothers some anxiety at this time.
The MacArthurs were the builders of the Suez Canal,
and were well known for other very large contracts
that they had successfully put through. John was trying
to get his brothers to buy Kitchen’s share in the Paja-
rita Mining Company, and Archibald, James and Wil-
liam had come out to look over the property — and, inci-
dnetally to make sure that their youthful brother did
not get into mischief. They were being entertained roy-
ally by Pete. He took them on hunting trips, fed them
on wild turkey and choice ham and bacon, and took
them on expeditions into the mountains. They were
like boys out of school. John was supposed to have
taken on some of Pete Kitchen’s skill with a gun, and
one day in the yard at the ranch each one was boasting
and showing off his skill with firearms. One of the
brothers put a little stone on a watermelon. The broth-
ers from Chicago challenged Arizona John to shoot it
off. There was much swaggering and boasting, but the
stone remained untouched. At last the older brothers’
turn came, and with a great pose and a flourish of his
.32, he said:

“I’ll show you how to shoot!”

Pete had been standing in the doorway of the ranch-
house some distance off watching them. Just as the
older brother waved his gun, like a flash, Pete reached
behind the door and seized his rifle. Bang! The stone
was shattered, and the quick-witted brother said:

“There, that’s the way to do it!”

None of them knew what had happened until Rock-
fellow told the Chicago brothers. It was some days
later before they made known to John just what had
taken place.

Kitchen’s hacienda was like a feudal estate. His im-
mediate family sonsisted of ten members — made up
mostly of nieces of his Mexican wife. He was kind and
generous to these girls, caring for them and educating

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

them as if they were his own children. He took delight
on coming home from Tucson, where he went at Iona-
intervals to market his produce, in distributing candy”
toys and various other gimcracks to the children of the
establishment. He was hospitable and kept open house
All travelers were welcome, and his friends could not
come too often or stay too long. We get a close-UD
view of life on the Kitchen ranch from John G. Bourke
in h!S eiccellent book, “With Crook On the Border.”’
the traveler was made to feel perfectly at ease If

rlWTkn0t already. on the fire- some of the women
ab?“t the preparation of the savory and spicy stews
for which the Mexicans are deservedly famous, and
others kneaded the dough and patted into shape tlm
paper-like tortillas with which to eat the juicy frijoles
or dip up the tempting Chile Colorado. There were
*71“ carding spinning, sewing— doing the thousand
d one duties of domestic life in a great ranch that had
^rn«blac,ksmith; saddler and wagonmaker, and all
Sfr? ne.ed.e.d to4 keep the machinery running
smoothly. In addition to the band of Opata Indians
who were employed to work and fight, there were a
K °d many Mexican workmen on the estate, some of
S Y , fami.hes- Pete Kitchen had his own com-
missianat, and issued all necessary supplies to his own
people, and, in case of need, to travelers.

His ranch took in about a thousand acres of rich bot-

cpbwni’ an2 he r£lised large cr°Ps of grain, potatoes,
cabbages, and an abundance of fruit and melons. He

„ f a great many cattle, and his particular delight was

oimnHHpf T if™ huad5ed fine h°gs. He prepared large
quantities of ham and bacon of delicious quality. This

Tbp Tnp spec’alty> before the advent of the railroad.
Hp^T t! Si?rreS USfd dlsplay signs, Pete Kitchen’s
ver r;tvTh\rpSettlTme-nts a the way fr°m Nogales to Sil-
and bam flnm u'’®1'® suPplied with lard, bacon

ZTu«nfTt' he K'fchen ranch. A personal item in
the Tucson Citizen, of June 15, 1872, gives an idea of

reported ^ba^h1-6 Kitchen’s Prosperity at that time. He
reported tnat bis crops were all good; that he had in

twenty acres of potatoes; that during the year he had
cured fourteen thousand pounds of choice bacon and
Th^p ^nd,i ha/ marketed five thousand pounds of lard.
These pioducts brought him, on the average, thirty-five

, ,, :■ ■ , I

PETE KITCHEN

rrnts a pound. He sold large quantities of potatoes in
the Tucson market, as well as other produce of various
kinds so his cash income for the year must have been
in the neighborhood of ten thousand dollars.

When the railroad came into Arizona he found com-
petition so strong that he could not make money as of
old* so he sold his ranch for a good round figure and
moved to Tucson. Here he spent the remainder of his
elays — and all of his money. He was not adapted to
the soft seductive ways of civilization m the Old
Pueblo.” He was a free spender— generous and care-
less. He was not one to refuse aid to a friend in need.
If a theatrical beauty pleased him he would shower
the stage with silver dollars. He had too much leisure , .
was a good “mixer” and an exceedingly good fellow,
and about the only way to display these good qualities
was at the bar and the gaming table. He was in his
glory at the Fiesta of St. Augustine, which was elab-
orately celebrated in Tucson in the early days hew
there were who did not take part in the revelry and
gaming, and, as for Pete Kitchen, he patronized to the
limit, with reckless hilarity, the roulette wheel and tne

faro table. , ,

Pete Kitchen’s word, and his note, were good any-
where. One of his old associates, Joe Wise, who is still
living, tells that Pete came to him on the streets of
Tucson one day and asked:

“Joe, can you lend me two hundred dollars/

“Well, then,” said Pete, “let’s go to the bank to-
gether, borrow three hundred dollars, sign n°fe

jointly, and divide the money between us.”

“All right,” his friend replied; “if we haven t the
cash when the note comes due, I’ve got a few head of
cattle in the canyons over there on my ranch that we
can round up and sell. Will you be out there and help
me find them and bring them in, if we can t meet the
note?”

“I'll sure be there,” was the reply.

When the note fell due neither of them had any
money. The rancher had not seen Pete for a long time,
and his ranch was about fifty miles distant from Tucson,
in the region of Calabasas; but on the appointed day, as
he was out looking for his steers, far off on the mesa he
saw the figure of a solitary horseman riding in his direc-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

tion. It proved to be Petp

night on the road in order’ to he V* spent the whole
cattle were rounded un and d„v! Ve °” tlme- The
no‘e w.as Paid the day ft was due market> and the

posed CifenhistlraSchghOnno S°Id Catt,e after he had dis-
hundred head of Mexican cattle'anT?!, h® b°Ught seven
them from Sonora to Tucson tn LT d th+t vaqueros drove
can herders were Very SSnt and T The Mexi-
either checks or greenbacks fn’nV? fe aJfaid to take
to take anything but gold coin P They refused

gold in town to pay them- so ’nfVe£e v’asl not enough
at them a volleyof theVosteVV he ha,d discharged
oaths at his confmVd PeTe sent to JV ?d pictu/csc»ue
gold, Meanwhdp • Sent to ^os -Angeles for +he

joyed the sfchto !S the ZtoZil ™ted ,and e*:

^fc’ould notcotnV ft.

When it \vasall ’ counted” t? fTO“ ” said p*te.
a bag, which he carried Ground* whhh herder put jt into
bis shoulder. The fascinatirVpV h™eyery where on
was in full blast by this timfVVV °VSai.nt Augustine
wholeheartedly into the fe^H„;t”d th£ Mexicans entered
bag of gold a very ' serious V* ^ f°Und the

aicament the fellow was in Pete t- * S?elng the pre-
p “Here, give it to me, Jou fool VU**0 and said:
Rosa and she’ll take ckre of it.’; 1 g 14 to the Dona

an? th^MexiVn Vm^ and Vft H vT it.under the bed;

go home. ^ he was ready to

with V1eVng1V°kVff tiVVVt arihgrhWnd gray’ teI1

°afs **

SVlyrt\and he tells this story T j6ff Mllt0n was

One day in the Va'laL^flVn Vf ndk-bhVa bitter enemy,
proprietor, Pete Kitchen was nw“Ch Fr<id Maish was
of his friends when a green TOunSV»rds *with son,e
forma, who had been looking i * i ie.l°w from Cali-
into the game. They didrPt lf -he could come

,osme- he Mck*“ pA?V‘r,£d^

—

PETE KITCHEN

from his seat and began to pull a gun on Pete, who was
unarmed. I just throwed my gun across the table and
covered him and said:

“Hold on! Wait a minute! You can’t chew up that
little old fellow!”

Pete sort of pushed back his chair and, as he started
for the door, said to the fellow :

“I’ll be back in a few minutes and talk it over with
you.”

I tried to quiet the fellow, but kept my gun on him.
He was only a coward, and he whimpered:

“What are you going to do to me?” “What do you
want to hurt me for?”

“I’m not going to hurt you; but do you know who
that is you’re trying to kill? That’s Pete Kitchen, and
you stand no more chance than a baby. You’d better
drag.”

By the time Pete had returned with his gun the young
fellow had pulled his freight.

Pete Kitchen was about five feet nine or ten inches
in height. He was spare, erect and physically fit, even
when he was verging toward old age. His eyes were
grayish blue, and he was of a florid complexion. He
was quiet and inoffensive in manner — quite the oppo-
site of the typical movie hero of today. He usually
wore a broadbrimmed sombrero and, instead of an over-
coat, a Mexican serape. His friends did not much en-
joy going on a camping expedition with him, for he
made too little provision for food and the ordinary camp
comforts. He was hardy and more or less indifferent
to hunger and cold himself, so on cattle drives and hunt-
ing or scouting expeditions his comrades sometimes
found themselves almost freezing or starving. When he
had failed to provide for his own comfort, he would on
a cold night sometimes crawl under Rockfellow’s blanket
with him before morning. When he was an old man,
he sometimes used to come over to the Stronghold to
visit Rockfellow. One cold evening he started to walk
to the Stronghold from Cochise Station. He had only
his serape to keep him warm, and he got so tired and
cold by the time he had gone half way that he stopped
and built a campfire to warm himself. He got to Rock-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

fellow's just as the family were at breakfast. The spot
where he camped was always called “Camp Kitchen”
after that.

When Mr. Rockfellow was in the neighborhood of
Kitchen’s ranch one day, long after the old man was
dead and forgotten so far as the younger generation
was concerned— he met an old Mexican, and when he
told him who he was, and mentioned the fact that he
had once lived for a while on Pete Kitchen’s ranch the
Mexican said with a pleased flash of recollection:

‘Oh, Don Pedro, my valiente, muy bueno con rifle!”

Pete Kitchen was a man of no ordinary caliber. Apart
from his force, resolution and general likeableness, he
was a man of mark and originality. The MacArthurs
great men as they were, with a wide knowledge of men
and big business, spoke of him as a man of power and
character. They thought he was one of the ablest men
they had ever met, and said that he would have made
mmself felt in Wall Street, or anywhere else that his lot
might have been cast. He was the beau ideal of the
border men of his day — brave, friendly, honest ,and
magnanimous but also profane, a regular drinker, and
a diligent and delighted “knight of the green table.”
These were the virtues and these the frailties of his
time. It was because he combined these good and bad
qualities in frontier perfection that he was so famous
and so honored. So his money melted away, and at the
end he had little in store except an unblemished reputa-
tion for honesty, a host of generous friends and admirers
donea P1°neer record of hard and daring deeds well

INSPECTING MISSIONS

INSPECTING HISTORIC MISSIONS

(By Billy Delbridge)

Dean F. C. Lockwood, of the University of Arizona,
and Governor George W. P. Hunt have long been inter-
ested in preserving the old Spanish M established
by Father Eusibio Francisco Kino ove* 200 years ago,
and other historical relics in Arizona. .

Realizing that public officials, and th.e P®?ple ^ “
zona and Sonora, must be impressed with the vital im-
portance of saving the missions for then' historical value
Dean Lockwood visioned a good road route that wouia
connect the wonderful old missions, established by
Father Kino in Northern Sonora and Southern Arizona
Governor Hunt decided to sponsor an exploration tour
as the initial move to make the dream of the dean com

trNo tourist route could be more interesting or fascinat-
ino* It will give to the visitor a glimpse of the vanish
ing past, when civilization was started by Father Kino
among the Indian tribes in this vast country which was
then unknown to the civilized world. _ It will pass
through some of nature’s marvelous scenic wonders of
rugged mountains, fertile valleys and desert wastes The
quaint old adobe towns in Mexico, with their population
of simple primitive people, is unlike aching _ the
United States. In Altar, as we looked at the ta Pal
trees in the distance, the long rows of adobe buildings
and the narrow streets, Governor Hunt remarked . This
reminds me of Egypt; it is very interesting.

The party included Governor George W. P. Hunt,
Mr. A. U. Martinez, Mexican Consul at Phoenix, Dean
F. C. Lockwood, of the University of Arizona ; Mr. D E.
Pettis, state game warden; Mr. George Hegi, of Buck
eye- Harry Shea, the skillful skipper who steered the
“Lnicoln,” and the writer. Major George H. Kelly, state
historian, was to have been one ot the part}, but was
rlpfainpd at the last moment.

Leaving Tucson at about eight o’clock on the morning
of April 12, we drove nine miles over a good highway
to San Xavier Mission. Prof. Bolton, in his “Spain in
the West,” quoting Father Kino, gives the following in-
teresting facts concerning the first church built at this

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

pla,ce, but which was later destroyed by Indians* “On

£ »f April, 1700, w, bcV„ the found®"

if Q of a yery Iar£Te and capacious church and house

kLw Xfv,Vler ,de Bac” That wm 228 years ago. The

GranderSei694 That Fathe^ Kino visited Casa
u ran a e in 16 9 4. The present mission is a beautiful

church budi ln the form of a cross, known as the Cru-

t^ipe,or model- San Xavier and Magdalena are
the two best preserved of all the missions.

From San Xavier we drove to Tumacacori This old
mission was established about the time of San Xavier

Thi ie -m°US Sei'v,lces were held here as early as 1690 ’
The building, while not so large as San Xavier, is a work

of art and fast going to ruin. The site is eighteen miles
from Nogales, on the main highway

J* reaching Nogales, a delegation from the cham-
ber of commerce headed by President H. Ahum “da

£u? Pfurty and ,esc°rted us to the border. When we
reached the portal a military band was playing and

cials Tnd ^ePete’ of Sonora, with many prominent offi-
cials and a large gathering of people, were assembled

If,?* Povernor Hunt and his deleg’at7on "cel
hnri^nfrt0” was served at the International Club in
occasion- Mr. Ahumada, president of the
chamber of commerce, acted as toastmaster. Speeches
were made by Governor Hunt, Governor Tepetif Dean

iothZides of thfnne Pr°minent dtiZenS’ preSen>t from

in ^Id^mTsLt

and endeavor to connect them with a good hDhway
Dean Lockwood impressed upon the guests that Father
Kino was entitled to great honor, not only as the man

SrtedtadlT edfthe missions’ but as the man who reallv

region^ and1 hZoatl0n ‘^ong the Primitive Indians of this
region, and he was the man who first brought into this

the larryge C TT*8 alld laid the foundation for

rl® A cattle and sheep ranches of Arizona and So-

nora of today. Governor Tepete stated that he realized
the importance of preserving the old missions- the vital

o t h er Sgen ter f of°°d hif1l'Vay to connect the missions and
Gthei centers of population, and the imperative need of

fake fhh° t S a° educat? ,the rising generation in order to
raise the standard of citizenship in Mexico. He said he

INSPECTING MISSIONS

did not know where the money was coming from, but
he was determined to raise the funds and build the road
from Guaymas to Nogales, and the link connecting the
missions, as outlined by Dean Lockwood and Governor
Hunt. Mr. Martinez, Mexican Consul from Phoenix,
acted as interpreter for speakers in both the English and
Spanish languages.

After luncheon, Governor Tepete joined Governor
Hunt and acted as host on the trip to Magdalena, which
is sixty miles from Nogales. The first mission reached
was at Imuris, established by Father Kino in 1687. It is
fast going to ruin. About one-third of the west wall of
the building has fallen in. The original roof has been
replaced with one of corrugated iron. The building is
about ninety feet long and the walls three feet thick, of
adobe and some brick construction.

San Ignacio was the next stop, about ten miles from
Magdalena. This building is better preserved. The
walls are intact and services are still held in the build-
ing. A vaulted ceiling extends from the belfry tower,
in front of the building, to the dome over the altar. The
building is one hundred feet long and about forty feet
wide.

Magdalena

Magdalena, our next stop, is the county-seat of Mag-
dalena County. It is a very old town of about 7,000 in-
habitants. Mayor Lorenzo Bordo, with six or seven
prominent citizens, came about two miles out of town
to meet the two governors and party, and escorted us
into Magdalena. A most hearty welcome and every pos-
sible courtesy was extended to make our visit to Mag-
dalena pleasant and agreeable.

We stopped at the Hotel Mexico, which is a very old
two-story adobe and brick building. The town consists
of long rows of one-story adobe buildings. There is a
fine plaza, with a bandstand in the center. Many of the
homes have beautiful patios in the rear and gorgeous
flowers grow in profusion, all of which is entirely hid-
den from the stranger unless, perchance, he may be in-
vited to enter and view the home and the grounds.

It is here at Magdelena that the image of Saint San
Francisco Xavier lies in state in the Mission Church.
The church was constructed about 1687, and is the best

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

preserved of all the missions established by Father Kino
This is accounted for by the fact that every year thou-
sands of devout Catholics come from all parts of the
United States and Mexico to worship the saint and bring
presents of money, trinkets of gold and silver and many
other things of value, all of which is donated to the
church. Last year, 11,000 pesos were donated in this
way and some of the money is being used to renovate
the building.

k -uhu Dolores, erected in 1687, the first church

bmlt by Father Kino, was located forty-eight miles from
Magcleiena. The road is extremely rough and it is not
expected that tourists will visit this point until a new
highway is constructed. Dean Lockwood, Mr. Pettis
and the writer made the trip in order that Dean Lock-
wood might obtain the necessary data for his work on
the subject. We were escorted on the trip by Ygnatio
S. Escobosa and Eduardo Leglen.

. There is nothing left of the old Mission Dolores build-
lng Francisco Pierra, an old man who has lived in the
district all his life, was the only person we saw who
knew the exact location of the church. He escorted us
to the site and Dean Lockwood obtained a piece of brick
from the foundation, which he brought back for the
university museum.

On our return journey to Magdelena, we stopped at
Cucurpe, a mission established long before Father Kino
took charge of Pimena Alta, which means the upper

CcUntl7r- CVcarpe is situated on the north bank
of the San Miguel River. The mission church was a
beautiful building, erected on the summit of a hill.

affo/d.la magnificent view of the mountains, the
valley, and the little stream gleaming in the sunlight,
as it winds its way through fields of grain.

What a contrast today and 230 years ago ! The walls
?n tCi!o f if’ rn front of the church, the winding stairs
beLfry’ 'v’i?ere old bells hang on rusty chains, the
buck arches, still standing at the front entrance, the
, high-arched ceiling, the lofty dome above the altar, the
massive walls the beautiful carvings and faded paint-
ings — all speak eloquently of the charm and beautv of
the scene in this ideal spot when the mission buikfings
were completed. Today-all is ruins and desolation,
it is well worth a few hours time of the tourist to visit

INSPECTING MISSIONS

this historic spot, in order to view the crumbling handi-
work of man and compare it with nature’s rugged moun-
tains and fertile valleys that stand today in all their
grandeur — the same as when the white man first made
his appearance among the native Indian tribes.

The population at one time is reported to h^ve been
about 7,000 or 8,000. There are now 500 or 600 resi-
dents. Cucurpe is in the center of a rich mineral belt
that produced great wealth in the days of the padres.

From Magdalena, Governor Tepete was forced to re-
turn to Hermosillo Friday morning on an urgent call.
Governor Hunt then proceeded to the . Alamos Ranch,
where a splendid lunch was served by Mr- Kibbey,
owner of this great cattle ranch and farm. The home
is a wonderland in the wilderness. It is equipped with
electric lights and every modern convenience, including
an ice plant. Ice is a great luxury in small towns m

The next stop was at Tubutama, which is
miles from Magdelena. This is a wonderful old build-
ing, but gradually disintegrating, like most of the oth-
ers. Some of the carvings and paintings still retain their
beauty, after more than 200 years. From Tubutama to
Altar, the next stop, is twenty-eight miles, where we ar-
rived Friday evening and remained over-night. Mr. is.
Rebeil Mr. E. P. Serrano and Mr. J. A. Vilderam acted
as a inception committee and extended every possible
courtesy to the governor and his party.

Saturday morning they escorted us to Caborca, about
fifteen miles from Altar. Caborca is one of the most
beautiful, in architectural design, of all the chain ol
missions visited. There is still standing unimpaired, in
a little room, a hammered copper baptismal fount, which
is said to have been brought from Spain more than 200
years ago, and on the wall is a varved wooden image
of Christ, said to have been imported at about the same

tin}t\vas at this church that the famous fight took place
in April, 1857, between the Crabb Filibustering Expedi-
tion and the Mexican defenders. There were about 150
men in the expedition and almost all were killed. The
front of the church is spattered with bullet holes, as a
result of the fight, which lasted six days. A wooden
tablet, fastened to the front wall of the church, carries

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

an inscription, in Spanish, commemorating the event
Following is the translation in English:

INSCRIPTION.

“Humble homage of gratitude to perpetrate the mem-
ory of the defeat, inflicted by National forces and
neighbors of this town, on the American Filibusters
the 6th Day of April, 1857. This Temple having been
a fortress for the defenders of the Country of Caborca
Sonora.”

The saddest and most deplorable sight of the tour
was the wreckage caused by the flood waters of the
river, which has undermined and carried away large
sections of this priceless historical relic. Unless rnea«-
ures are taken very soon, to turn the current of 'the
stream, the building will disappear and the monument
be lost forever.

From Caborca we drove six miles to Pitiquito, which
was the last mission visited. Acting-Mayor Antonio La-
zarraza, Councilman Fidel Soto and Remigia U. Aguilar
extended to Governor Hunt and party a warm and very
cordial reception. They escorted us to the old mission,
which is located on an elevation that affords an unob-
structed view of the beautiful valley and the mountain
range that adds picturesqueness to the scene. It was
here, in 1695, that Father Saeta was killed by the
Apaches. He was the first priest in this region to be-
come a martyr in the performance of his religious du-
• T^ef clmrch is fairly well preserved and has been
vlP^l "!,tlme t0 We climbed to the top and

KASkT be"s’ “ ,hey "e n°‘ th« ”is-

fifty't.wo mi,es from Libertad, on the
gulf, where fishing parties enjoy most excellent sport.

PRiquito "e returned to Altar and viewed the
K?n® Chui?h at this point. It is said that Father

, Sted an altar and planted two palm trees at this
place before the Mission of Caborca was built and the

Focated ttere.med Alt&r °n account of the Altar being

.Tbe Altar district has wonderful possibilities of de-
velopment. It is rich in placer gold, silver Conner an-
timony and other minerals. A small smelter and ’con-

INSPECTING MISSIONS

centrator is being erected at Pitiquito to handle custom
ores. There is also an irrigation project being worked
out by the Federal Government that will ultimately de-
velop 100,000 acres of desert land around Altar. Sur-
veys have been made and the project reported on fav-
orably by government engineers. At present, there are
no electric lights and no sewer system in Altar, but ar-
rangements are being made to install electric lights.
The building of good roads will enable mining com-
panies to develop the mineral resources, and good roads
will bring home-seekers to the farm lands, all of which
will create a market for American farm and mining ma-
chinery, that will be supplied by business firms in Ari-
zona.

The country, contiguous to the proposed mission loop
tour, is in the richest mineral section and the richest
farming and cattle section in Arizona and Sonora, and
is the most attractive three-day scenic route in this part
of the great southwest.

On Saturday night a reception was tendered to Gov-
ernor Hunt and party at the beautiful home of Mr. and
Mrs. B. Rebeil. Many people came to greet the gover-
nor and Dean Lockwood and assure them of their hearty
cooperation in making the mission tourist circuit attrac-
tive.

We left Altar Sunday morning and reached the bor-
der port of entry at Sasabe, sixty miles north, about ten
o'clock. The distance from Sasabe to Tucson is seventy-
five or eighty miles, over a good standard Arizona high-
way. We arrived at Tucson at noon, in time for lunch.

It was the consensus of opinion and the hope of the
party that Governor Tepete would build a standard
highway from Nogales to Magdelena, then from Mag-
galena to Tubutama, thence to Altar, and from Altar to
Ssaabe, on the border, to connect with the Tucson High-
way, which is already completed from Sasabe to Tucson.
An improved road from Altar to Caborca and Petiquito
should be included.

The route outlined could be covered in three days and
would undoubtedly bring thousands of tourists into Mex-
ico, who have no conception of the colorful, romantic
and historic past that may be glimpsed by a three-day
tour into this interesting foreign country.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

tvt T je , missions to be seen are at Caborca, Tubutama
Magdelena, Ignacio, Imuris, Tumueacori and San Xavier.’

Dean Lockwood suggested that the most desirable
schedule would be to leave Tucson and go to Altar. Side
trips to Caborca and Pitiquito, then back to Altar to
stop over-night. Next night at Magdelena, and the
third day back through Nogales and fininshing at San
Xavier, near Tucson. However, it is not material which
missions are visited first or last. The night stops will be
the same either way.

Florence, Arizona, April 24, 1928.

SERVING THE STATE OF ARIZONA

Offices

A jo

An Obligation

Clifton

Glendale

Globe

diiii d.

Hayden

We of today in Arizona owe a

Mesa

debt of gratitude to those hardy

f r. T-.1 i

_»x

spirits of a generation and more

Morenei

ago. They saw a vision in this

Phoenix

once desert land. They faced

Prescott

great hardships. They con-

Ray

quered vast difficulties and

Safford

started the development which

we now enjoy.

Services

Commercial

Savings

Trust

Securities

Insurance

Safe Deposit

There is yet much to do in Ari-
zona. May we carry on the
work of the founders of this
state, so that Arizona may come
to that rich heritage which na-
ture has in store for her.

THE VALLEY BANK

Member Federal Reserve System

CAPITAL AND SURPLUS $1,3 00,0 00.00

The Leading Ffu "
and Produce
se in
on a

Packers and Shippers of Salt River Valley and
Arizona Products

Shipments by Freight, Express,

Pui"c6i Post and by Truck

First Class Fruits and Vegetables

Everything in Season

IAI4M id u a

juniM t. DARKER

PRODUCE COMPANY

A Phoenix, Tucson, Prescott A

•ci R I Z O N A

r -" -r-rvr- -r- ^ ■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL
REVIEW

CONTENTS

Current Comment Geo. H. Kelly

Geronimo John P. Clum

The Geronimo Deportation Geo. H. Kelly

An Indian Scare _ Mrs. A. M. Dyer

Stages Held Up I. E. Solomon

Interesting Reminiscences Hon. A. J. Doran

First Court in Graham County Geo. H. Kelly

Incidents of Building Globe Railroad Geo. PI. Kelly

Killing of Judge McComas and Wife

Anton Mazzanovich

Thirteenth Territorial Legislature M. M. Rice

Vol. 1 OCTOBER, 1928 No. 3

Published Quarterly by

ARIZONA STATE HISTORIAN

PHOENIX, ARIZONA
Entered as Second Class Mail

There is no “past experience” to guide
us in the Electrical World.

Every day brings new unheard-of prob-.
lems to be worked out.

We must prepare for the city of tomorrow
as we serve the town of today.

Today we make history for tomorrow.

‘‘Helping You Build Arizona”

ARIZONA

Historical Review

A QUARTERLY
SUBSCRIPTION $3.00 PER YEAR

Volume 1 OCTOBER, 1928 Number 3

STATE CAPITOL BUILDING

JOIIX X. GOODWIX
First Governor of Arizona Territory
1SG3

Arizona Historical Data

The territory now included within the limits of Arizona was acquired
by virtue of treaties concluded with Mexico in 1848 and in 1854. Previous
to that time this country belonged to Mexico as a part of Sonora.

The act cutting Arizona away from the territory of New Mexico was
passed by the United States congress and signed by President Abraham
Lincoln on February 24, 1863.

Governor John N. Goodwin and other territorial officials reached Navajo
Springs, now in Navajo County, on December 29, 1863, where, on that date,
the governor issued a proclamation inaugurating the territorial government.

The first Arizona territorial legislature was convened in Prescott, the
temporary capital, September 26, 1864. Territorial capital located in Tucson,
November 1, 1867, under an act of the legislature. The territorial capital
was relocated at Prescott the first Monday in May, 1877. On February 4,
1889, the territorial capital was permanently located at Phoenix, where it
has remained since.

Arizona became a state on February 14, 1912, by virtue of a congressional
act passed in 1911.

The officers appointed by President Lincoln, who were responsible for
the first Arizona territorial government were: John N. Goodwin, of Maine*
Governor; Richard C. McCormick, of New York, Secretary of the Territory;
William F. Turner, of Iowa, Chief Justice; William T. Howell, of Michigan
and Joseph P. Allyn, of Connecticut, associate justices; Almon Gage, of New
York, attorney general; Levi Bashford, of Wisconsin, Surveyor General;
Milton B. Duffield, of New \ ork, U. S. Marshal; Charles D. Poston, of
Kentucky, Superintendent Indian affairs.

The first Arizona State officials, elected in 1911, included the following:
George W. P. Hunt, Governor; Sidney P. Osborn, Secretary of State; J. C.
Callaghan, State auditor; D. F. Johnson, State treasurer; C. O. Case, Super-
intendent of Public instruction; W. P. Geary, F. A. Jones and A. W. Cole,
Corporation Commissioners; Alfred Franklin, Chief Justice; D. L. Cunning-
ham and H. D. Ross, Associate Justices of the Supreme Court.

KING S. WOOLSEY
Arizona Pioneer and Indian Fighter

CURRENT COMMENT

GEO. J. ROSKRUGE PASSES AWAY

The death of George J. Roskruge at his home in Tucson,
Arizona, on July 27, 1928, brought to the pioneer residents of
the state keen sorrow. Mr. Roskruge had been a resident of
Tucson for fifty-four years at the time of his death. During all
his life in Arizona he was active in every effort put forth for the
betterment of the social and industrial conditions in Arizona.
He was a civil engineer, and in that capacity rendered distin-
guished service to Arizona. He was a pioneer leader in the
organization of the first Masonic lodge in Arizona, and was
prominent in the work of establishing the grand lodge and
maintaining this order up to the time of his death, having been
secretary of all the state Masonic organizations for many vears.

The following account of the death of Mr. Roskruge appeared
in the ARIZONA STAR at Tucson on July 28, 1928:

“George J. Roskruge, 83, pioneer champion rifle shot of the
southwest, civil engineer of commanding ability, and the father
of Masonry in Arizona, died at his home in Tucson yesterday
morning following an illness of some duration.

Mr. Roskruge was a pioneer resident of the state, having
come to Arizona in 1872. In his passing, Masonry in Arizona
lost a man who had served as secretary of the Grand Lodge of
the state for forty-six years and who held more Masonic offices
than any other in the state.

Mr. Roskruge held the distinction of being the oldest grand
secretary in length of service of any Grand Masonic bodv in
the United States. He served in that capacity since 1883, when
the Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons in Arizona was
founded, with the exception of the years 1888 and 1889, during
which time he served as deputy-grand master and state grand
master. During all of that time, however, he continued to
perform the secretarial duties of the grand lodge.

Charter Shrine Member

He was also a charter member of El Zaribah Temple, Ancient
Arabic Order, Nobles of the Mystic Shrine, and took a promi-
nent part in all Shrine activities as well as in Masonic rites and
functions.

“During his long service to Masonry in Arizona, Mr. Ros-
kruge served successfully as grand recorder of the Grand Chapter
of Royal Arch Masons; grand recorder of the Grand Com-

CURRENT COMMENT

. Lte served as president and member of the board of educa-
tion in Tucson at intervals from 1881 to 1914, and was otherwise
identified in an important way with municipal affairs.

recognition of his outstanding record of service, the
Arizona Grand Lodge will be convened and will be in charge of
funeral services for Mr. Roskruge, to be held in Tucson at
4 o clock Monday afternoon. Prominent Masons and Shriners
frorn every section of the state are expected to attend the services.

Mr. Roskruge is survived by four nephews, George, Will
and Stanley Kitt of Tucson, and Kendall Kitt of Los Angeles
and a niece, Mrs. Culin of Los Angeles ”

Flags on Casket

“TUCSON, ARIZONA, JULY 27 (AP)

“The Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack will be placed
on the casket of George J. Roskruge, pioneer of Arizona and
fatner of Masonry in the state, at funeral services which will be
conducted at 4 o’clock Monday afternoon in the Masonic Temple
m Tucson. The placing of the flags was his request, made the
last time he entered the temple.

eminent Mason died at 10:30 o’clock this morning
following an illness of several months.

, ?T^e J>rand lod8e wil1 convene in the'Masonic Temple at
6 o clock Monday afternoon, preceding the hour of the funeral
services.

Mr. Roskruge was the organizer of the first Masonic lodge
t zo,na Tucson Lodge No. 1 — was one of the organizers of
the L°dge of Perfection, and secured for Arizona the Rose

\™1X- . Yas grand secretary of all Masonic bodies of the
state at the time of his death. ”

Following is the story of an early day experience of George
J. Roskruge, soon after his arrival in Arizona in 1872, related
by Roskruge to the Arizona State Historian:

In July, 1872, Roskruge was camped at Volunteer Springs,
near the site of the present railroad station of Bellemont. Food
was scarce and tw-o members of the party went out after game,
l lie first man had been gone for several days when the second
naan left. W hen he did not return, after a couple of days, the
other four of the party, including Roskruge, started for Prescott,
for almost no food was on hand. One man, a Scandinavian,
apparently big and stout, had to be herded along, insisting that
all he wanted was to lie down and die. The road was down
■lieu canyon and Roskruge says his experience in that gorge

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

showed It well named. Practically no food was available excent
pra,ne dogs and few of them. Roskruge finally managed
get to the Little Chino Valley, near where the first territorial
capital was established and there Mrs. Banghardt gave him

br?fd ai>K m,l k' The Scandinavian had been left behind
apparently played out. Very soon, however, he was seen’
coming, running at high speed. On arrival, he declared he had

ese^np^V™ eS Wltj°ut s,toPP>ng and that he had narrow! v
cscaped being run down by bands of Indians, savin- his life

he Lked8 GenP^dSr Pd'l ?oskru«e then went to Prescott, where
ne asked General Crook tor an escort of horses to go back and

p“,h for the tw? men who were left behind at Volunteer Sprin-s

£sti|k rrd um, tllat the intervening country swarmed with
hostile Indians and refused to send any soldiers, but provided

men eq!jlpmentC Roskru?e f°und three other

bridles and mad !" -and Scriped UP apologies for saddles and
„.‘df, and made the journey back, finding the two men. Injure

thP Mhe rdaS°n \hy,the first man had not returned to camp and

Ss a bn,shmwdhhH S ay,6d With ldm' 0n the return trip there
tv as a brush with the Indians in the Verde Valley.

lackin^a^*! hadja haiid time in ^rescott» of ten
the Fim De Snc,urtd employment on the survev of

River ftTh?s udaM Icar! C *orth’ through to the Colorado

who afteTwfrdl h th° firSt SUoVey ."'ork ever done by Roskruge.
J t°K„ tC d JOeame a civil engineer, an assistant in the office

Su f v'n'r Kiene/aA -n Tucsorn> under Wasson, and still later
intkp'K Gen®ral of Arizona. In Tucson, he lived for a while
in the house of Governor A. P. K. Safford.

DEATH OF HON. CHAS. R. DRAKE

On the Sixteenth day of June, 1928, Hon. Chas R Drake
the"deprvPrneer fslde"t <?f Arizona, and one who was active in
nW d edTtnhUfh 10 bUSInTeSS and industrial life of the ter-
death’ V dni l h°me m- L°,n-K Beaeh- At the time of his

Arizona in 1^7, k T hls 85th birthday. He came to

Arizona in 18/1 as hospital steward in the army, having been

2, “ AUt-V at Ft- Lowell, near Tucson, ^Arizona8 He

nostmlster 1 *h,‘si,scrvice mi 875 when he was appointed assistant

assistant donna'/"011' /a\er m the same year he was appointed
assistant depository, which office had charge of government

Ktorv Paf'h °r all-military a"d Ind'an supplies m the Then
temtorj . This service he continued until 1S81, when he was

CURRENT COMMENT

elected recorder for Pima County, in which office he served for
two two-year terms. In 1889 he was appointed receiver of the
U S Land Office in Tucson by President Harrison. During
these years Mr. Drake had been instrumental in founding and
building up a successful general insurance and real estate
brokerage business, which he continued until he departed from
Arizona to make his home in California. He was elected and
served two terms in the upper house of the territorial legislature.
In 1889 he was chosen as president of the territorial council,
which met first at Prescott and later concluded the business of
the session in Phoenix, the capital of the territory having been
removed to Phoenix as a result of the first law passed by the
Fifteenth Territorial legislature. Mr. Drake had a correct
vision of the future of Phoenix and the Salt River Valley and
was a leader in the removal of the Arizona seat of government
from Prescott' to its present location.

Hon. Chas. R. Drake, was born at Walnut Prairie, Clark
County, Illinois, July 22, 1843. He was the son of Charles
Drake, a native of Richmond, Virginia, and Mahale Jane Jetter
Drake, who was born in Louisville, Kentucky. On the paternal
side, he was a direct descendent of Sir Francis Drake, one of
the world’s greatest explorers. He received a practical public
school education and inaugurated his successful business career
as a druggist clerk in the employ of William Matthew and Sons
at St. Louis, Missouri.

Joined Navy

When twentv years old, in 1863, Colonel Drake volunteered
to serve in the United States Navy. He first served as acting
master’s mate and later as master’s mate under Admiral Portei
in the Mississippi Squadron.

His war experience included service in the famous Mosquito
Fleet on the Red River, and he was on the scene of several of
those historical Mississippi sieges in which the navy played a
major role. At the close of the Civil War in 1865, he went to
New York City, where he resumed his occupation as druggist
clerk.

In 1871 Colonel Drake re-entered government service as
hospital steward in the army and was assigned to duty in the
Department of Arizona, stationed at Ft. Lowell, Tucson.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

PREHISTORIC IRRIGATION

r i Atj4 0,’,cl°ck “ the “orning, after an all night speech on the

thes°eraworH^IV‘‘R fSenalor Ashurst surprised the Senate with
these words. Before Rome was founded, or the wolf suckled

G“an nTUm a,clvlllzed race had conquered the deserts
its lands ^ bui ded great communal homes and cultivated

Old indeed is the Southwest. Only forty-six years after

th°irmwnrlCar t°,the*-NeW 'Vorld- Spanish adventurers began
QnL « °f exP.loratl°n. Spanish families were founded at

to PRmouthC°r|n f i:TS Tf°r1 the,Mayflower brought colonists
to Plymouth Spanish padres found the ancient civilization and

manrknewa 7 °f Cana'S “nd °itieS whose antiquity no

into late,r- when the first land seekers came

‘“sunken the,I,?1° Salado, and found there a network of

sunken roads, was the discovery made of the vastest ancient
irrigation system in North America. Canals and huge buildings
were found on the Rio San Francisco, which the later comers

caikd^Sn^V 6^” Rlv,er' T,he valle>' settlers objected to being
called Saladoans and so they translated the name into our
atrocious and rightly ridiculed name, the Salt River Valley.

A larger rural population tilled the fields of this valley before
the commencement of the Christian Era than farm its lands
today. They were the Original Engineers, the true Pioneers-
canals and clan-castles were here built, used, abandoned for-
gotten, when London and Paris were yet clusters of wild huts.

Arizona6 tRS ™CC 7'11 begiu in the next issue of the
bv n^Omar A TReVleW’ dan!^ry 1929, a history prepared
them for^fortv n i ,Turney ^ho has been gathering data about
accmmt If d y6ar!' ,Hls maP of the ancient canals and an
Q f 1 magnitude was presented to the Royal Geo-
graphic Society of London, and at the request of Sir William
Ramsay he was elected a Fellow of the Society.

vearT19“q ^!“ ru?, through the issues for the

south the culture «fder W1 see a ra,ce bringing from the far

sides bv harhirtniis ? SU!nrl,0r pe°Ple and surrounded on all
sides by barbarians; he will learn of the first punv canals on

arroyos, of the gradual conquest of the river, and will discover

the numerous differences between this people and the tribes

po*ttery1VCd t0 th<! “0rth aUd 6aSt and made the Black-on-white

CURRENT COMMENT

There will be seen the necessity for the creation of an
ancient culture district, to be known as the Lower Salt, and for
naming its potteries the Red-on-buff. The strength of the race
will appear, and the causes for their final defeat and enforced
abandonment of a home which had been theirs for more years
than the time that white man has now been in the New World.
The irrigation works of all other peoples in North America will
seem crude and trivial.

Then the irrigation works of South America will be reviewed
and the differences in the engineering problems considered.
Great as were their accomplishments in the building of hillside
canals, which wound for miles around mountain sides, where
the canal on one side was cut into the hill and on the other side
supported by retaining walls, yet the total ground reclaimed
was small as compared to the one hundred and seventy square
miles of continuous fields cultivated in the Valley of the Salado.

Long before the siege of Troy, irrigation was practiced in
the valley of the Nile, and in the valleys of the Euphrates and
Tigris. There the problems were simple, and the engineering
crude; results can be measured more in terms of the acres re-
claimed than by the difficulties overcome.

When the reader has seen the accomplishments of the people
in the days of the building of the pyramids and of writing in
cuneiform characters on clay tablets, the result will bring
surprise, and an added respect and thrill of pride for the ancient
engineers of our own Salt River Valley. We may again find
occasion for boasting in this, the Land of the Stone Hoe.

ARIZONANS PICNIC IN CALIFORNIA

There exists in Southern California, with headquarters in
Los Angeles, an organization of former residents of Arizona,
known as the “ Arizona Society of Southern California. ” This
organization was formed more than twenty-five years ago and
was originally named the “ Arizona Hassayampa Society.”
Annually this society holds a picnic at some place in the vicinity
of Los Angeles, and this year this annual Arizona picnic was
held at Bixby Park, in Long Beach, on August 18. The attend-
ance this year was the largest ever known and numbered no less
than fifteen hundred who now reside in California, including
many present residents of Arizona on vacation or business visits
to points in Southern California.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

annua!ap"Lifa™LonPg°Beanoehnt OnZ^f a,ttended tlds

Geo. H Kelly the orfsenfAr^ q^1^8 platform were

Hunt*1 ^d theHoffi®‘aI representative of Vo vernor* Geo "tv ap"
Hunt; Judge Hawkins, formerly of Prescott fW to '

serSTt ssrafiL ^

"here in ^ "as

aDd Fm=VVaS ^ 4^2? Am0nanS

nation and in^dust^aTb^^^

GERONIMO

GERONIMO*

(Continued)

By John P. Clum

As we progress with this narrative of Geronimo’s extra-
ordinary career, it is well to remind ourselves that in those rare
old days of 1874, 75, 76 and 77 the history of Arizona for that
eventful period was, to a great extent, recorded in the dra-
matic story of the Apaches. To the casual reader this may
seem an extravagant statement, particularly in view of the
convincing data Arizona is now able to exhibit relative to her
population, products, resources and general industrial, social,
political and educational development. But in this picture we
are looking at Arizona— THE POWERFUL STATE. Perhaps
you will bear with me in an endeavor to visualize Arizona —
THE STRUGGLING TERRITORY.

If we turn back the pages of history a half-century or more
to the period of our national centennial, we find there were no
railroads in either Arizona or New Mexico. A military tele-
graph line (a single wire) was stretched from San Diego to
Santa Fe, with Local offices at Yuma, Prescott, Phoenix, Tucson,
Fort Grant and Fort Bowie. There was a daily service (each
way) on the Southern Overland Stage Route for the transpor-
tation of passengers, mail and express between El Paso and
San Diego, via Silver City, Apache Pass, Tucson and Yuma;
the unit of equipment for this service was a light coach with two
seats inside, and one outside, and drawn by two horses. The
telephone had not yet come into public service; there was no
telegraphic communication at San Carlos; we received our
agency mail once each week — provided we sent a messenger
eighty miles to the nearest post office for it, and it was several
hundred miles from the agency to the depot at the end of the
west bound railroad tracks in Colorado. Few ranches or ranges
for stock had yet been located, and the mining industry was
still in its swaddling clothes. Truly, in that period Arizona was
a struggling territory — a remote, isolated, almost “exclusive”
frontier.

And now, what are the brief outlines of the story of the
Apaches on this “remote frontier” during the centennial period?
The several sub-divisions of this tribe roamed from 400 to 500
miles east and west over the territory between the Rio Verde
•Copyright 1928.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

in Central Arizona and the Rio Grande Valley in New Mexico,
and upwards of 300 miles north and south from the Mogollon
Mountains in Arizona to the Sierra Madre Mountains of Mexico.
As already set forth in this narrative, these Indians were numer-
ically distributed among five reservations as follows: At Rio

Verde — 1400; at San Carlos — 1000; at Camp Apache — 1800;
at Apache Pass — 325, and at Ojo Caliente (New Mexico) — 453.
Between August, 1874, and July, 1877, under orders from the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, I was charged with the concen-
tration of these Apaches (approximately 5000) on the San
Carlos Reservation, and in an orderly and peaceable manner
these were located in the Gila Valley, convenient to the agency
headquarters at San Carlos. In the course of the execution of
these orders I relieved seven Indian agents and consolidated
five agencies into one. The reservations at Rio Verde and
Apache Pass, Arizona, and Ojo Caliente, New Mexico, reverted
to the public domain and those areas were opened up for the
location of mines, ranches and stock ranges. During this period
no outbreak occurred among the Indians under my care, and no
raiding parties were trailed to or from my reservation, but on
the contrary an entire company of TERRITORIAL MILITIA
was recruited from the Indians on this reservation FOR ACTIVE
SERVICE AGAINST RENEGADES. The Indian police
had apprehended Del-shay and killed Dis-a-lin at San Carlos;
arrested Pi-on-se-nay at Apache Pass and captured Geronimo
at Ojo Caliente (New Mexico), and it had come to be regarded
as the regular business of the San Carlos Apache Indian Police
Force to preserve order within the limits of their own reserva-
tion, as well as to apprehend (or kill) insubordinate or desperate
members of their own race wherever found, and it was generally
recognized that they performed these highly important services
promptly and effectively, regardless of hardships or hazard; not
as a spectacular publicity stunt, but as “a part of the day’s work.”

This record of continuous and successful activities in
Indian affairs of vital importance to this “remote frontier”
amply supports the claim that “the history of Arizona for that
eventful period was, to a great extent, recorded in the dramatic
story of the Apaches. ”

From the latter part of 1877 to the latter part of 188G
Geronimo was permitted to enjoy a truly remarkable career.
During this period he alternated in his dual role of ruthless
renegade and privileged prisoner of war. His movements,
translated into spectacular, dramatic or picturesque form, were
given the widest publicity by those whose business it was to

GERONIMO

restrain and suppress him, until his name became the synonym
for swift and skillful manuevers and daring and deadly deeds,
and even from the time of his final surrender to the day of his
death he appears to have been encouraged and assisted in the
gratification of his inordinate vanity by persistently keeping
himself in the spotlight of publicity. Doubtless the reader will
feel as I do, that the favors extended to Geronimo, both as a
renegade and as a prisoner of war, are absolutely inexplicable.

When the sheriff of Pima County was informed that
Geronimo was in the guard-house at San Carlos awaiting his
warrant, it was expected that prompt action would be taken by
that official for the reason that the sheriff was none other than
Charles A. Shibell, from whom the murderer, Pi-on-si-nay, had
escaped a year previous— June, 1876. In these circumstances it
was thought that Sheriff Shibell would evince a keen desire to
take over the custody of Geronimo with the least possible
delay, but, as stated before, no action was taken.

Inevitably it will be asked why I abandoned my purpose to
have this Indian prosecuted? The details are interesting, but
too cumbersome for entry here. Briefly stated, the officials of
my own department at Washington— instead of giving me the
unwavering support that had been pledged, had, during
my absence in New Mexico, acquiesced in the development of
certain conditions at San Carlos that made my position as agent
untenable. I felt that my success had actually been penalized.
Responding to my protest, those officials were good enough to
explain, but too weak to rescind. I finally set July 1 as the
limit of my endurance. The offending situation was not rem-
edied, therefore, at high noon on July 1, 1S77, I mounted my
favorite horse and hit the trail for Tucson, leaving the Indians
and the affairs of the agency in charge of mv chief clerk and
Indian Inspector Vandever. Thirty-five years elapsed before
I again returned to San Carlos.

The failure to prosecute Geronimo at this time was, doubt-
less, one of the very unfortunate results of my abrupt separation
from the Indian service. The successful campaign into New
Mexico had involved no little effort and expense. The partic-
ular outlaw sought had been apprehended. He was conveved
500 miles in irons. The charges against the prisoner were of a
most serious nature and the evidence seemed ample. Had I
remained in authority at San Carlos there is not the least doubt
in my mind that he would have been speedily brought to trial
in the United States courts, and that his career would have
ended abruptly then and there. What a vast amount of expense,

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

tribulation distress and bloodshed would have been avoided if
this arrest had been followed swiftly by prosecution, conviction
and execution— thus dropping the name GERONIMO into
oblivion before it bail become generally notorious outside of
territorial frontier limits.

Thus terminated my official contact with this noted ren-
egade,^ and the only time I ever saw Geronimo after leaving
San Carlos was when I visited Mount Vernon Barracks Ala-
bama, in January, 1894, where he was then detained’ as a
prisoner of war. W ho cut the rivets that held his shackels
and released him from the guard-house at San Carlos I do not
know. It is evident however, that he made the most of his
freedom, for he soon left the reservation for the familiar peaks
and canyons of the Sierra Madres of Mexico, and his next
appearance in uus story is the occasion of his surrender to the
commanding officer of Camp John A. Rucker in 1879.

• lieutenant Henley, who followed the trail of Pi-on-se-nay
‘n. 1 p/6’ }. ''-horeported the presence of Geronimo on the
Rio Grande in 18/7, met his death in 1878 while scouting in the
mountains adjacent to Apache Pass. His dauntless courage led
him to attempt to ford a raging mountain torrent, but before
he was halfway across he was swept from his horse by the
angry flood. His companion, Lieutenant John Anthony Rucker,
dashed into the seething waters and made an heroic effort to
rescue Henley, but both were drowned. About this time the
mihtary authorities decided to establish a temporary outpost
near the Mexican border to facilitate operations against the
hostiles, and this post was named in honor of Lieutenant Rucker
who sacrificed his own life in a futile effort to save the life of his
friend. 1 ony Rucker, as he was affectionately called by his
intimates, was a brother-in-law of General Phil Sheridan

One day in the latter part of 1879, Geronimo appeared at
Camp John A. Rucker and surrendered to Captain Haskell, the
commanding officer He was held for a short time at that camp
and then transferred to the custody of the Indian agent at San
Carlos No penalty was imposed on the renegade at that time
other than a temporary confinement in the guard-house.

1 . n so far as the records show, Geronimo was allowed abso-
lute freedom and in an inconspicuous manner, contented himself

ffitn Z “".I,* iUnt‘ I1'6 (a11 of ]881< ""hen he again fled

ntlnH^a'V'h h u band, °f men’ womcn and children,

including Nah-chee, the only surviving son of Cochise.

Geronimo never pleaded special justification for any of his out-
breaks except his boasted slaughter of Mexicans, but when the

GERONIMO

loyal son of Cochise turned his back on the paleface and joined
his fortunes with those of the renegades, existing conditions
on the reservation must have been of a most aggravating char-
acter. I entertained a very high regard for Nah-chee and I feel
that it is only just and fair to him that there should be recorded
in this story some of the outstanding causes which finally drove
him from the reservation.

When I removed the Coyoteros from Camp Apache in 1875,
eight of the bands selected a location on the Gila River, about
twenty miles east of the reservation headquarters at San Carlos.
There I established a sub-agency, constructed necessary build-
ings, and placed an employe by the name of Ezra Hoag in charge.
In June, 1876, when the Chiricahuas were brought to the San
Carlos Reservation, they chose a camping ground near the
locality where these Coyoteros were living, and obtained their
rations at the sub-agency. Thus the Chiricahuas and a part of
the Coyoteros were living there in a neighbor^ and friendly
fashion. Included with the Coyoteros at the sub-agency were
the bands of the sub-chiefs “George” and “Bonito.” The
military post of Camp Thomas was located in the Gila Valley,
about fifteen miles above the sub-agency, and outside of the
reservation limits. It is necessary to bear these facts in mind in
order to understand fully the very important events which
transpired in this locality during the last days of September,
1881.

The flight of Nah-chee, with a band of his relatives and
friends from their camping grounds near the sub-agency on the
Gila River on the night of September 30, 1881, wras one of the
very unfortunate sequences of the so-called “Cibicu War,”
although Nah-chee had no more to do with the Cibicu War than
he had with the Custer fight.

Reducing the story of the Cibicu episode to its lowest
terms, it may be stated that the Cibicu is a small stream on the
reservation, about forty-five miles north of the Gila River. Early
in 1881, “ Nock-e-da-klinnv, ” a Coyotero Apache medicine-
man, who was camped on the Cibicu, announced a “resurrection
stunt,” which was destined to plunge the entire reservation into
a condition of unrest, apprehension and disorder, the dire results
of which were manifested throughout the following decade.

This ignorant, fanatical, old hoodoo-medicine-man pro-
claimed that it was his modest purpose to summon from their
graves all of the most powerful Apache warriors who had fallen
victims to the remorseless sickle of the Grim Reaper during
recent years, and with this resurrected army to exterminate

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

every paleface in Arizona, and then rush on to a conquest of the
world— or words to that effect.

These preachments not only excited a contingent of the
Coyoteros but, apparently, thoroughly frightened the civil
authorities at the agency, for instead of sending the San
Carlos police to bring in this ranting old trouble maker, dead or
alive, the agent requested the commanding officer at
Camp Apache to make the arrest with his troops. For
seven years the agency police had apprehended all of-
fenders and maintained order on the reservation in a
most efficient manner. Why bring in the military now?
the fatal blunder was made by the agent and upon his head
rests the responsibility for the disastrous results.

th® reqU6S,t of the agent- Colonel Carr

arrived at the Cibicu camp on August 30, accomnordAd h^ six
officers, seventy-nine soldiers and" twenty-three Indian scouts
and proceeded to make the arrest. Nock-e-da-klinny was
arrested, but very soon thereafter the troops were fired upon
(by their own Indian scouts it was alleged) and Captain E C.
Hentig and four soldiers were killed and five others wounded—
three of whom died from their wounds. During the excitement
Nock-e-da-klinny made an attempt to escape and was promptlv
shot through the head by Colonel Carr’s trumpeter— a verv

twn man t0 han® ?amp in an emergency, for he proved
P.ftP k aS eqUfa y skl!lful ln blowing the bugle, or in blowing
out the brains of an outlawed Apache medicine-man.

„r ,Th® k*lh“S . of. Nock-e-da-klinny was a consummation
greatly to be desired, but, although the old trouble maker was
dead, a much more serious trouble found its beginning in the
means employed to accomplish his death. If this fight had
occurred with the agency police it would have been
merely a local administrative affair, as a fight with police
anywhere is. But the army had been called in to perform police
Son^e reservation and an officer and seven soldiers were
killed This was an “outbreak” for which all the Indians
°n the reservation must pay the penalty either directly
or indirectly— which they did through the years that followed
t. ri,‘Cre "as a rac® between the troops and the Indians from

nntt hbl,i r' ff°rt. ^pTac,he- Some shots "ere fired into that
post by the disaffected Indians. The “ war” was on. Additional

truuhe< ln ■fr0m California and Colorado. Some
even sarn that the Apaches were to be exterminated.

ritpmpnf m^nth of September, 1881, was one of persistent ex-
citement and apprehension throughout the reservation. Bodies

COUNCIL BETWEEN GENERAL CROOK AND GERONIMO
Capt. Roberts Gcronimo Nunn Lieut. Muus Three Interpreters Cupt. Bourke Gen. Crook

GERONIMO

of troops were moving hither and yon and numerous arrests
were made. This marching and counter-marching seemed to the
Apaches like “ boots, boots, boots, boots, moving up and down
again” — it got on their nerves.

It will be remembered that the Coyotero sub-chiefs “George”
and “Bonito” had their camps near the sub-agency, and now the
military authorities charged that these Indians had been im-
plicated in the Cibicu affair. Both of these Indians went to the
sub-agency on September 25, and, accompanied by Mr.
Hoag, they proceeded at once to Camp Thomas and there
surrendered to General Wilcox, the department com-
mander, who released them on parole.

And now follows the last scene in this great drama of sorry
blunders that was destined, finally, to drive the loyal Nah-chee
from the reservation and enroll him henceforth with Geronimo’s
band of desperate renegades. On the afternoon of September
30, 1881, only five days after General Wilcox had paroled
George and Bonito, Colonel Biddle came down from Camp
Thomas with three companies of cavalry to the sub-agency,
for the purpose of taking “George and Bonito and their bands”
to Camp Thomas. Mr. Hoag was then issuing rations and
many Indians were about the sub-agency. George and Bonito
told Colonel Biddle they would come to Camp Thomas with
Mr. Hoag as soon as the issue of rations was completed. This
proposition Colonel Biddle refused and moved his troops
nearer the Indian Camps. George and Bonito then fled to
the Chiricahua camp and told Geronimo and Nah-chee that the
troops were there to attack them. All the warlike demonstra-
tions during the past month had seemed to them a constant
menace, and now a strong detachment of troops was at the very
threshold of their rude camps threatening an attack. Fearing
the attack would be made at daybreak, they fled during the
night — “leaving much of their stock behind.”

Indian Commissioner Price comments on this stampede
thus: “Their flight was occasioned by fear, not hostility.”

An official report quotes Mr. Hoag as saying: “The Indians
were literally scared away by this movement of the troops.”
As the sole employe in charge of the sub-agency, Mr. Hoag had
been dealing with these Indians for more than five years and
had their confidence, and I firmly believe he told the simple
truth when he said they were frightened away. The fact that
they left much of their stock behind is ample evidence that
their stampede at that time was not premeditated.

Had Geronimo gone out with some of his old-time followers

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

it easily might be thought that this wily desperado had been
waiting for an excuse to take the warpath again, and that
he was glad to be “scared away.” But this never could be
said of Nah-chee, Chochise's son. In 1874 he promised his
dying father he would keep the treaty of peace made with
General Howard; in defense of that promise on the night of
June 4, 1876, he engaged in mortal combat with his father’s
head war-chief— and killed Skin-yea. For more than five years
he had remained at the sub-agency, loyal and dependable, and
when he led his little band of relatives and friends to cast their
lot with the renegades under Geronimo, there must have
been a sufficient reason — a super-inciting cause.

The record compels the conclusion that Nah-chee, the
stalwart and ^capable son of Cochise, faithfully observed the
pledge he made his dying father for more than seven years
and that lie was finally driven to violate his father's treaty of
peace with the paleface only when he firmly believed that he and
his followers were about to be shot down by the paleface
troops. .Nah-chee was a man of determination, strength and
courage. Hawing broken his father's treaty and joined Geronimo,
he rendered to his chief a most loyal and effective support and
shared the fortunes of his fellow renegades to the end. Geronimo
recognized the superior qualities of Nah-chee and made him
his chief lieutenant. Thus we find that the story of “Nah-chee

30 188iegade’ dateS fr°m that eventful niSht of September

The Scout from Tombstone

The morning of October 2, 1881, dawned bright and peaceful
over the famous city of Tombstone, where at that time I had my
domicile. About ten o'clock in the forenoon a courier dashed
into town and announced that Geronimo and his band of fleeing
renegades, estimated at three or four hundred, had passed
along the western base of the Dragoon Mountains about an
hour previously, headed for the Mexican line.

Ihe trail of the renegades lay about ten miles east of
tombstone, and ]t was evident that these Indians would cross
over Antelope Pass to the Sulpher Springs Valiev. The citizens
ol tombstone, of course, were in no danger, but we feared for
the safety of the isolated cattlemen in the Sulpher Springs Valley,
as well as for solitary prospectors and others who might be in
the mountains or along the trails— and immediately a relief
party was proposed.

f„ ,,In °f my former experience with the Apaches, and the
further fact that I was then the mayor of Tombstone, I was

GERONIMO

charged with the organization of a company of horsemen for the
purpose of following the trail of the renegades. The chief
object was to give assistance to anyone who might be in need of
it; beyond that our action would be governed entirely by
developments.

The three hours following the arrival of the courier was an
exceedingly busy period for me. The number of saddle horses
immediately available was limited, and it was important that
these should be assigned to the right sort of men. These men
must be equipped with rifles, six-shooters, ammunition, saddle-
bags and canteens. Equally important was the matter of rations.

Every moment occupied with these details put the renegades
just that much farther ahead of us. All selected for the trip were
impatient for the start, and this impatience grew as an hour
passed, and another, and still a third, until at one o clock in the
afternoon all preparations were complete and our little cavalcade
of thirty-five determined frontiersmen, well armed and mounted,
formed into a column of twos, galloped up Allen Street and took
the trail for Antelope Pass.

In those “good old days” Tombstone did not lack for men
with well established reputations for being “handy with a gun/'
and there were in this company several conspicuous “stars” of
that character. The party included Virgil Earp, my chief of
police, and his two brothers— Wyatt and Morgan— Johnny Behan
and W. H. Breakenridge, of the sheriff’s office, Charlie Reppy,
Frank Inglesby, George W. Parsons, Ward Priest, Marshal
Williams, Cy Bryant and others who had been weighed in the
balance and not found wanting in “nerve.”

Arizona is renowned as an arid country, but there are
occasional down pours, which for quantity and dampness are
unexcelled anywhere in the world, and it was our luck to en-
counter such a storm in Antelope Pass. We had just struck the
broad, fresh trail left by the escaping renegades and had
quickened our pace in the hope of closing up with them by night-
fall, or at least surprising them before they broke camp the
next morning, but these ambitious hopes were doomed to
disappointment.

Suddenly the rain began falling in torrents; the heavy
thunder was continuous and the vivid lightning was sporting
among the rocks all about us. Very soon everyone was as wet as
the proverbial “drowned rat,” and although the thunder and
lightning ceased as we descended from the Pass, the rain per-
sisted until nearly midnight.

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

g on range, but as soon as they had struck the “hot trail”

5^ ied^S^e® ‘did^notT^6^ 1° giv° SUOCOr '{ **<*“

"e b'd the soldiers goodnight and trudged on down the vaUev

mmmm

thentmosf wa£rWh Bi/ aood "T °r whos«

<< t\/t0 ■ , 6> good-natured Cv Bryant said tn mp-

^^H£2SHHrS=

ffi^bihttaS “J‘ "°,h“ “d *”« **• *»d f «i«

of the” ‘ morning after6’ °The Sui n W“ then -tW° °’clock

SHitiilliS

GERONIMO

swung into their saddles, and, aided by the bright moonlight,
we moved on again almost noiselessly along the soggy trail.

The march continued in unbroken silence until daylight, for
the men were both .tired and sleepy, but with the breaking of the
day their spirits revived and there were sounds and signs of life
all along the line. At sunrise we halted where there was water
and good grass and let our horses graze for an hour. Once more
on the trail we followed it doggedly until about noon. By this
time we knew we had crossed the international line and were
trespassing on Mexican territory.

The only “Indian sign” met with was the trail we had
followed. Evidently the hostiles had not found it “too wet to
travel,” and apparently they had not met either man or beast

j e" stampede down the valley, at least nothing had been
killed by them along the trail. We had accomplished the pur-
pose of our undertaking, and we had no right to invade
Mexico.

Furthermore, we were not equipped for an indefinite
campaign. As a matter of fact, we were out of grub and
hungry. Before leaving Tombstone we had arranged to have
a man follow us with a buckboard loaded with provisions
Doubtless he had started, but the storm had held him up. Very
likely he had found it “too wet to travel” with a loaded wagon.
So for an hour we speculated as to how far we were in Mexico;
how far the renegades were ahead of us, and how far we would
have to ride on the back trail before we would be able to feast
on the good things which we felt sure had followed us out of
Tombstone. The more we discussed that buckboard and its
contents the keener became the pangs of hunger, and so, without
a dissenting voice, we headed our horses northward and pro-
ceeded with all possible speed in the direction of American soil
and the misplaced “chuck wagon.”

It was nearly sundown when we again met the soldiers in
the same camp where we had left them twenty-four hours before.
There was no necessity for them to go farther southward now,
for the trail of the renegades was not only “wet,” but like-
wise very cold. Geronimoand his followers no longer had to fear
pursuit by American troops for by this time they were resting
in their familiar fastnesses amid the mountains of Mexico.

Nearby the military camp we spied the delayed “buckboard”
with its precious cargo, and forthwith all stampeded in that
direction. Speedily the banquet board wTas spread, and none of
our party needed to be urged to join in the royal feast. Having
satisfied our hunger and puffed a cigarette or two, we rolled up

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

in our blankets, thankful for an opportunity to enjoy the rest
and sleep we were so much in need of.

On the morning of October 4 we were up with the dawn.
Having disposed of a hearty breakfast we saddled up our well-
rested steeds and were off in a bunch for Tombstone, leaving
the troops “camping on the trail” of the renegades; but on the
same spot where we found them on the evening of October 2.

We headed for Antelope Pass. Our strenuous, persistent
march had not been rewarded by a single stirring adventure to
lend zest and compensation to the undertaking. The morning
sun was bright and the ozone from the Dragoon Range was most
invigorating. The ample supper and breakfast, and the inter-
vening unbroken sleep, had fully refreshed our party, and all
were in fine fettle.

This exuberance of spirits very soon manifested itself in
various “wild west stunts,” which included cowboy tricks,
fancy riding, and target shooting. A couple of expert rider*
demonstrated the proper method of “fighting Indians on the
plains,” by urging their mounts to full speed and then leaning
far to one side they clung with the left arm over the horse’s
shoulder while they discharged their six-shooters under his
neck.

As the unassuming leader I maintained the dignity of the
party in the role of an interested spectator, and had contented
myself with witnessing the successive feats presented and heartily
applauding the skill and daring of the actors. But I was rudely
awakened from my passive attitude when the company halted
suddenly and demanded that I should assassinate a merry
little prairie-dog who was “ periscoping ” with his head just
above the mound which encircled the entrance to his subterra-
nean abode, within fair rifle-shot distance.

It was a critical moment. I had been ten years on the
frontier. During three of those years I had roamed the trails
of Arizona and New Mexico with the Apaches. Now I was the
Mayor of Tombstone, the city of dramatic name and fame.
Because of these varied experiences I had been complimented
with the leadership of this stalwart band of frontiersmen and
gun-fighters, who had been following the trail of Geronimo.
Now I must prove myself worthy of this leadership by demon-
strating my skill with the rifle.

These men had never seen me shoot, nor had they ever
heard me boast of my prowess as a “dead shot.” As a matter
of fact, I was never too confident of my ability to “hit the
bull’s-eye.” I realized that my reputation with these men was

GERONIMO

now at stake, and it was not without misgivings that I halted
my horse when called upon to make the shot.

Without dismounting I slipped my rifle from its sling,
straightened myself in the saddle, drew a bead on the unsus-
pecting prairie-dog, and fired. With the crack of my gun
the prairie-dog disappeared in his hole. None went to see
whether the little animal had been hit. That was not nec-
essary, for the bullet from my rifle had plowed its way through
both edges of the circular mound on a direct line with the former
position of the prairie-dog’s head. I had scored the perfect shot.
Without batting an eye, or seeming in the least perturbed or
elated at the result of this “test,” I quietly slipped my rifle back
into its sling and moved forward on the traill.

My very competent and critical audience promptly ex-
pressed approval, but it soon developed that all were not fully
convinced, for we had ridden less than a mile when a hawk was
seen perched on the summit of the stalk of a century plant, and
within range of my position. Instantly there was a unanimous
demand for another shot by the Mayor.

When I attempted to make the second shot from the saddle
my horse objected, by refusing to stand still. Without hesitation
I dismounted, took aim and fired. This time there was nothing
to mark the track of the bullet, and as the hawk spread its
wings and left its perch I felt a bit chagrined, for the indications
were that I had scored a “miss.” The hawk started a graceful
circle upward, but had moved less than ten feet when a single
feather was seen fluttering towards the ground. Instantly my
spirits rose, for at least my bullet had cut into the plumage of
the target. The hawk continued its upward flight for an addi-
tional ten or fifteen feet— and then dropped to the ground
like a plummet. Oh boy ! ! ! ! ! A lusty cheer echoed through
the pass and my prowess with the rifle was never again
questioned.

It may be noted here that Antelope Pass crosses the Dra-
goon Mountains just south of the famed “Cochise Stronghold,”
where General Howard made the treaty of peace with Cochise
in 1872. It may also be worth while to recall the fact that
Tombstone is the county seat of Cochise County — which county
was created and named four years after the death of the noted
Indian chief.

Arriving at Tombstone our party promptly disbanded, and
thus our brief and eventless expedition on the trail of Geronimo
passed into history, but at least we had demonstrated the true

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

have happened to oth^^0?g^haUrail.ChanCeS °n What might

stone scoutf^partv met one1 even i* berS of this T°mb-
were George W. pZsZs Wyatt eTZI f™’ ^aska- The«e
proper that we should fittingly etlfhr?* myse,f' 14 seemed
veterans on that remote bleak anrl 1 , 1S rSu?110n °f scarless
we did! * * * * * * ** a£d ^nhoBpi table shore— and

Mountain of' MexS'cemn' fastnease®. in the Sierra Madre
raids of pillage and murder^M^' hlS Qand Sallied forth on

ttmSs°oU£ do ^ SZ neeXiC°’ **£Sd £$%

. n* c;d 5mas and hls wife on March 9S iqqq j oi

of little Charlie McComas whose nit;’ 1®83>and the capture
definitely known. It is not without- fatf was never

with the presentation of the ontsto *Plsg‘vln!»s that I proceed
period of our story, for the reason that'?/- fa°tS reIating to this
recover, rehabilitate and establish easy matter to

aptly termed the “neglected truth/^ ^ Henry Ford has 80

this particula^campaig^'woukf lea d h® aC/'Ual facts elating to

General Crook, in person Ted ! *??• to stat«, briefly, that

spring of 1883; that he met Geronlm^1^?11!0 Mexico in the
ditions which practically placed th!» a”11 ',S band under co“-
mercy of the renegades and enahlod trooPs at the

terms of “peace;” that General Priol th?lr ch!ef to dictate the
a majority of the women and children rftJlrned to Arizona with
band; and part of the stolen stock th belonging to the outlaw
several months later Geronimo annl^1 ’5 their possession; that
line with between forty and fifti P,ea[ed at the international
about one hundred head If f 7 frmed followers and

Plunder, taken from the persons fn°d hn Stockf and sundry other

he was met at the border bv I i^ Td their vict>ms; that
squad of fifteen soldiers and escorted ck"* t0?n ° oV‘S with a
Reservation; that later the stolen stnek^f mthe ?an Carlos
tion under the direction of the military TiaS — d 011 the reserva-
and his followers were held as “nnsoUtb°ntJeS’ tbat Geronimo

allowed to retain their arms and wpr0'S°nerS ,of . war> ” but were
reservation, and that they once took tlf'T thei,r/reedom on tho
Colonel James H \r,n * , the war'Path m May, 1885.
of Arizona, devoted mucMbi^an^’l °rmer’y State Historian
the truth relative to this “capture” ofclrZlZZllss. ^

GERONIMO

In spite of this effort lie is compelled, in his History of
Arizona (page 246), to refer to the “ mysterious treaty with
Geronimo, ” and further says:

“Assuredly Crook had run himself into a perilous situation.
The principal feature seems to be that Crook gave the Indians
the advantage in going into their own camp to treat with them,
instead of sending for their chiefs to come to a place of his own
choosing. ”

A1 Sieber, that brave and intrepid old scout and guide, was
with General Crook on this campaign. On page 247 of his
history, Colonel McClintock says:

“Tom Horn was pushed forward as interpreter by Sieber,
whose estimate of the situation was shown by his words of
warning, ‘Take a knife, Tom; stand while you interpret; forget
that you may not live another minute, and think only of the
talk/ During all the early stages of the conference, Sieber was
sure that the Americans all would be slain, and he kept his
hand within his shirt where he had a revolver with which he
meant to blow out Geronimo’s brains at the first move that
looked like violence.

The Indians announced their willingness to return to San
Carlos, with the condition that they were to be fully protected;
that they were to be allowed to carry their arms and march as
they pleased, and that they should be maintained in the pos-
session of whatever horses, mules and cattle they had on hand,
though it was assuredly well known to the American commander
that practically every head of stock had been stolen.

The leisurely march started for the north with 383 indi-
viduals in the Indian column. Only 250 of these reached
San Carlos — on June 20, 1883.”

Again, on page 249, Colonel McClintock writes:

“Chatto came back to the reservation February 27, 1884,
and escorted by Lieutenant Britton Davis, Geronimo re-
turned to his rations at San Carlos on March 14, 1884.
Soon thereafter the Chiracahuas (these prisoners of war) were
transferred to Turkey Creek, near Fort Apache.” (It should
be borne in mind that Fort Apache was within the limits of
the San Carlos Indian Reservation — about sixty miles north
from the main agency on the Gila.)

The annual report of the Secretary of War for 1883 includes
the following statement on page 5 :

“In March a small party of Indians made a raid from
Mexico, and after killing nine persons, escaped back into the
difficult country from which they had come. Brigadier General
Crook made a vigorous pursuit, going many miles into Mexico,

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

and, after penetrating into an almost inaccessable part of the
Sierra Madra Mountains, had a fight with the Indians, and
returned with a large number of prisoners, among whom were
53 male Indians. ”

It is noted with amazement that General Crook had an
asserted “ fight ” with this select aggregation of desperate
renegades under the capable leadership of Geronimo in “an
almost inaccessable part of the Sierra Madra Mountains,” and
yet no casualties were reported. Nobody was hurt. It was,
apparently, a bloodless, scarless “fight”, — nevertheless General
Crook returned with “a large number of prisoners, among
whom were 53 male Indians”. It is admitted that when
General Crook returned from this “drive” into Mexico he
delivered to San Carlos about 250 women and children — among
whom, doubtless, there were 53 boys (“male Indians”). The
“large number of prisoners” must have been carelessly guarded,
as Colonel McClintock tells us that when the march started for
the north there were 383 “individuals in the Indian column.
Only 250 of these reached San Carlos”.

It is doubtful if Geronimo could have mustered 53 fighting
men at the time the 53 “male Indians” were made “prisoners”,
and the wily old Apache chief must have been tickled pink when
General Crook consented to relieve him of the care and main-
tenance of the women and children and other noncombatants
then in the camp of the hostiles. Doubtless, if General Crook
had included 53 male warriors among his prisoners, -that result
would have completely wiped out the nest of Apache renegades
then in the Sierra Madra Mountains, and the Secretary of War
would have had facts well worth reporting.

It is not at all probable that the Secretary of War was
cognizant of the designedly misleading statements incorporated
in his annual report, but it is subtile phrases of this character
sponsored by high officials that led me to say “ it is no easy matter
to recover, rehabilitate and establish” the neglected truth.

In view of these and similar ambiguous and misleading
official pronouncements the historian is truly grateful to General
Crook for the childlike and bland statement which he made to a
reporter of the Daily Star of Tucson, Arizona, when he visited
that hospitable community in the full flush of the glory of his
conquest and capture of the Apache renegades in Mexico in
1883. On May 31, 1927, the Tucson Star issued a special edition
in commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the establish-
ment of that paper. From the columns of that special edition
I quote the following:

v 'i' M

GER0N1M0

“The Daily Star of June 20, 1883, contains an account of a
visit to Tucson paid by General Crook and his staff. A reception
to the ‘Grey Fox’, as the hero of the Apache campaign was
called, was one of the means by which Tucsonans expressed their
esteem of the general. The Star of the following day contained
a column interview with the general, as well as a lengthy account
of the reception/’

“In the interview General Crook stated that ‘Geronimo
and Nah-chee with some Indians volunteered to go and bring
in the remainder of the bands, but insisted on Crook remaining
until they returned, as they were afraid to come in alone. This
he (Crook) refused to do, as his rations were fast disappearing.
Then they asked for written passes, so that they might come
direct through the valleys to San Carlos, which was also refused,
as the general felt they might expose themseives too much, and
they might be killed as hostiles, and his passes found upon their
bodies might complicate matters. They finally agreed to take
their chances in returning to the reservation, and the general
thinks ere this they are all in the vicinity of San Carlos.’ ”

The above must be accepted as competent evidence for the
reason that it was published while General Crook was present
in Tucson and was being entertained as the guest of honor by
that community. He had just returned from his “drive” into
Mexico, during which, it was asserted, he had had a fight with
the hostiles in which he had taken a large number of prisoners,
and, besides, had effected a capitulation of some sort with
Geronimo and Nah-chee— a capture, or a surrender — or what-
have-you? As the hero of these several achievements the
“Grey Fox” was then being honored and feted by the citizens
of Tucson. And he blithely informed his credulous entertainers
that he had immediately paroled his star captives, or prisoners,
for the purpose of “bringing in the remainder of the bands”,
and that he “thinks ere this they are all in the vicinity of San
Carlos” — June 20, 1883.

The records already presented in this narrative show that
General Crook’s “prisoners” — two hundred and fifty women
and children (including the “53 male Indians”), reached San
Carlos on June 20, 1883, — the very day on which the “Grey
Fox” gave his interview to the Tucson Star — , but that Geronimo
and his party did not return to the reservation until March 14,
1884, — nearly nine months after General Crook expected
them in that “vicinity”.

Again we are plunged into a maze of mysterious circum-
stances which leave us in grave doubt as to whether General

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Crook paroled the renegades, or whether the renegades paroled
the general — and a detailed study of the records discloses a
preponderance of evidence in favor of the renegades. The
renegades insisted that General Crook should come to their
camp for the conference, and the circumstances indicate that
they further stipulated that the general and his party should come
unarmed. The photograph of the “council” does not reveal a
single weapon. A1 Sieber said to Horn “take a knife” and
“forget that you may not live another minute”, and Sieber had
a revolver hidden “within his shirt”. “During the early
stages of the conference Sieber was sure that the Americans all
would be slain”, — and neither the courage or the veracity of
A1 Sieber ever has been discredited. The assumption that
General Crook’s party went into the renegade camp unarmed
is further upheld by the fact that three years later Geronimo
told Lieutenant Maus that he would meet General Crook at
El Canon de los Embudos “in about two moons”, but he stipu-
lated that the general must not bring any soldiers with him —
and the “Grey Fox” complied with that stipulation. And,
finally, the “terms of surrender” agreed upon indicate that
General Crook had run himself into a situation that was not
only “perilous”, but also absolutely helpless.

The hostiles announced their willingness to return to the
reservation, provided only that they should be fully protected
by the military; that they should be permitted to retain their
arms, their liberty and their stolen stock, and that no penalties
should be assessed against them on account of their past mis-
deeds. Incidently they reminded the general that' if they sur-
rendered to him they would, automatically as prisoners of war,
be entitled to full rations. Another little matter which the rene-
gades modestly brought to the attention of the general was the
protection and maintenance of the women and children then in
the camp of the hostiles. Often these were a serious handicap
to the operations of the warriors. They had great confidence
in the “Grey Fox” and would be willing to transfer this “excess
baggage” — meaning all noncombatants — to his custody and
care as prisoners of war, and thus provide for both their safe
conduct back to the reservation and their “keep”. As a final
concession Geronimo and Nah-chee insisted that they and some
other Indians be allowed to volunteer “to go and bring in the
remainder of the bands”, and that General Crook should provide
them with ample rations and “written passes” showing that
they were engaged in this indefinite round-up by his authority
and entitled to return to San Carlos “direct through the valleys.
That would be about all for the present.

GERONIMO

The record clearly indicates that the renegades were able
to persuade the “Grey Fox” to accept all of these monstrous
“terms of surrender”, with the single exception of the “written
passes” showing that the bearers were his prisoners of war and
at large by his authority. General Crook explained to them that
such “written passes” would really be dangerous for both the
Indians and himself. The possession of passes might make them
careless “and they might be killed as hostiles”, and then the
passes— -if found on their bodies — would at least “complicate
matters” for him. This explanation seemed quite reasonable
to the renegades, and, anyhow, the terms already granted
looked pretty good to them, so they agreed to waive the demand
for passes and to “take their chances (and their time) in re-
turning to the reservation”'.

Having obtained about all the concessions they could think
of, the renegades paroled the “Grey Fox”, and having assisted
him in assembling the women and children and other noncom-
batants, as well as the stolen stock in their possession — excepting
the. horses utilized as mounts for the warriors — , they grunted
their satisfaction and farewell as “the leisurely march started
for the north with 383 individuals in the Indian column”.
We are now able to understand why General Crook’s “rations
were fast disappearing”.

These “terms of surrender” automatically operated as an
armistice, and thus Geronimo and Nah-chee, with the pick of
their fighting men, fully armed, mounted and rationed, were
left free and unencumbered to resume their ruthless occupation
of pillage and murder in Mexico, with the assurance that they
would not be further molested by the United States troops and
Indian scouts under the command of General Crook.

Obviously, Geronimo and Nah-chee had intimated to the
Grey Fox” that they would be as expeditious as possible in
the matter of “bringing in the remaining bands” and returning
to San Carlos. Also, obviously, these ruthless marauders found
the business of pillage so good and the pleasures of the blood-red
trail so alluring and the terms of the armistice so satisfactory
and restful that they took no note of time, but extended their
delightful and profitable outing in Mexico all of the summer,
and tarried throughout the fall, and still lingered far into the
winter.

. Again, obviously, with the approach of the gentle springtime
their thoughts turned — not to love, but to the four great, big
capital “Rs” — meaning “Reservation”, “Rations”, “Rest”
and “Recuperation”. Forthwith they turned their faces and

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

their footsteps northward and soon were at that imaginary line
that separates the territory of the United States from that of
Mexico. Here the renegades found conditions a trifle “com-
plicated ”. The distance to the reservation was 150 miles or
more. Geronimo had with him two score of well armed and well
seasoned warriors. These were quite able to take care of them-
selves en route to San Carlos if they could follow the mountain
trails, but as they were encumbered with about 100 head of
stolen stock it would be necessary to travel slowly “direct
through the valleys”, in which case “they might expose them-
selves too much and be killed as hostiles” by some careless,
avenging citizens. But why take any chances? They were
“prisoners of war”, and under the “terms of surrender” were
entitled to military protection as soon as they entered the
territory of the United States. In these fortunate circumstances
Geronimo notified the “Grey Fox” that he and his band were
at the Mexican border awaiting a military escort before entering
American territory. Thereupon General Crook ordered Lieu-
tenant Britton Davis with a troop of cavalry to proceed to the
border and escort the renegades and the stock in their posses-
sion to San Carlos. This service was faithfully performed by
Lieutenant Davis. The outfit crossed the international line at
Gray’s ranch, and Geronimo, with his followers and stolen
stock, arrived at the reservation on March 14, 1884.

Another thing. What became of “the remainder of the
bands” whom “Geronimo and Nah-ehee with some other
Indians volunteered to bring in” — and in which undertaking
these enterprising volunteers were detained in Mexico for nearly
nine months? How many hostiles were supposed to be included
in “the remainder of the bands” then at large in Mexico?
When General Crook’s prisoners started for the north there were
“383 individuals in the Indian column.” Geronimo and
Nah-chee probably had 40 or 45 fighting men in their party.
This would represent a total of about 425 individuals who wen*
captured at that time by the “ Grey Fox This total is believe' 1
to represent practically all of the hostiles then in Mexico. The
personnel of “the remainder of the bands” presents another
mystery. The record does not indicate the return of any such
bands to the reservation, and it is certain that when Geronimo
and Nah-chee and their followers were finally escorted back t«»
San Carlos the only other “bands” accompanying them wer»*

BANDS OF STOLEN STOCK.

Several years ago, while traveling in company with Major
Carter West, of the regular army, our reminiscences drifted t *

GERONIMO

tales of frontier days in Arizona, and in the course of this con-
versation Major West told me that for a time he was detailed
in charge of the Chiricahua “prisoners of war,” while they
were located on Turkey Creek, near Fort Apache. At once I
asked: “Why didn’t you take the guns away from those

prisoners?” Very promptly the major replied: “I did, but

General Crook ordered me to return the arms to the Indians.”

An official communication from the Indian agent at San
Carlos to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, under date of
February 9, 1884, contains the following paragraph:

“The Chiricahua prisoners (?) roam at will over the reser-
vation, some of them having their camps three miles from the
camps of the soldiers and scouts; all the bucks of the bands are
well armed and mounted, and a party of them are now herding
a large band of stolen horses and mules twenty miles from the
agency. Persons claiming that they have animals among them
that are plainly marked and can be identified, have been denied
the privilege of visiting the camp for the purpose of pointing
out their property, and also are assured that if found the stock
could not be recovered. ”

The following advertisement appeared in several Arizona
newspapers during May and June, 1884:

“Headquarters Department of Arizona, Office of Chief
Commissary of Subsistence, Whipple Barracks, Prescott, A. T.t
May 2G, 1884.

“There will be sold at public auction, to the highest bidder,
by the acting commissary of subsistence at San Carlos, Arizona,
on Thursday, June 26, 1884, commencing at 12 o’clock M.,
about ninety head of cattle, consisting of steers, cows and calves,
lerms cash. Cattle to be removed from reservation imme-
diately after sale. This lot of cattle was brought in from Mexico
by the Chiricahua Indians.

Signed: CHAS. P. EGAN,

Captain and C. S., U. S. Army.”

Customs officers and others were prevented from disturbing
the renegades in the possession of this stolen stock. The
GLOBE SILVER BELT supplements the record as follows:

“The owner of some of the cattle here referred to, before
the sale, appeared at San Carlos, identified the cattle and pro-
duced the branding iron, which exactly corresponded with the
brands on the cattle, but he was denied their possession on the
frivolous pretext that they were sequestered as spoils of war.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

. . . So far as we are informed, the Sonorian who was

despoiled of his stock has not been reimbursed, and thus the
best government under the sun is placed in the light
of aiding and abetting the Chiricahuas— with a full
knowledge of the facts — in the commission of larceny.”

In order that it may be distinctly understood who was
responsible for the control and discipline of the Indians
on the San Carlos Reservation at this time, I deem it important
to mention here a conference held at the War Department on
July 7, 1883, which was attended by Secretary of War Lincoln,
Secretary of Interior Teller, General Crook and Commissioner
of Indian Affairs Price, when the following agreement was
arrived at:

“In view of the difficulties encountered in making satis-
factory disposition of the Apache Indians recently captured by
General Crook under existing methods of administration, it is
determined by the secretary of war and the secretary of the
interior, after consideration, that the Apache Indians recently
captured by General Crook, and all such as may be hereafter
captured or may surrender themselves to him, shall be kept
under the control of the war department at such points on the
San Carlos Reservation as may be determined by the war
department (but not at the agency without the consent of the
Indian agent), to be fed and cared for by the war department
until further orders. For the greater security of the people of
Arizona, and to ensure peace, the war department shall be
entrusted with the entire police control of all the Indians in the
San Carlos Reservation and charged with the duty of keeping
the peace on the reservation and preventing the Indians from
leaving, except with the consent of General Crook or the officer
who may be authorized to act under him.

“The war department shall protect the Indian agent in the
discharge of his duties as agent, which shall include the ordinary
duties of an Indian agent, which shall remain as heretofore,
except as to keeping the peace, administering justice and pun-
ishing refractory Indians, all of which shall be done by the war
department as above stated. Signed, Robert T. Lincoln, Sec-
retary of War; H. Teller, Secretary of the Interior."

Commenting on the above agreement, the secretary of war
in his annual report for 1883, page 5, says:

“General Sherman expresses the belief that if General
Crook is permitted to manage the Apaches in his own way,
all wars will cease in Arizona, and that with them will disappear
the complicated Indian question which has tested the patience

GERONIMO

and courage of our people since the first settlement by whites

on this continent. ” ,

Thus General Crook was given the freest sort of hand to
“manage the Apaches in his own way” from July, 1883, until he
relinquished his command of the department of Arizona in
April, 1886. Nevertheless, wars did not “cease in Arizona,
neither did “the complicated Indian question” disappear—
but the “prisoners of war” did. Whenever protest was made
against the pampered renegades retaining their arms and the
possession of stolen stock McClintock says (page 248) that
“Crook defended the Chiricahuas as prisoners of war who had
surrendered with the understanding that their past deeds
would not be punished provided they behaved themselves

in the future. ” . .

Much has been written concerning the capture of berommo
by General Crook in 1883. A very good photograph was made
at the time of the asserted “council,” when the general and his
staff were “arranging the terms of surrender.” In this photo-
graph are shown General Crook, Geronimo, Captain Bourke,
Nana, Captain Roberts, Lieutenant Maus and others. A replica
of this photograph in bronze is riveted to the reverse side of the
great granite boulder that marks the final resting place of General
Crook in the National Cemetery at Arlington Heights, Virginia,
overlooking the shimmering bosom of the historic Potomac.

On page 249 of McClintock’s history it is recorded that
“early in 1885 Lieutenant Britton Davis gave warning that the
Chiricahuas (prisoners of war, fully armed) on Turkey Creek
were restless and threatening, but no action was taken, and in
May of that year 124 of these Chiricahuas, led by Geronimo,
Nah-chee and Chiahuahua, left the reservation and headed
southward over their former familiar “bloody trails.

And again in May, 1885, 1 was a resident of Tombstone when
this band of fleeing renegades came down the same trail followed
in 1881, but instead of crossing through Antelope Pass they
continued southward in the direction of Bisbee — then a very
small mining camp. And again I joined a company of about
twenty citizens who followed the trail as far as Bisbee, arriving
just in time to see the dead body of Deputy-Sheriff Billy Daniels
brought into that camp by a little company of his excited and
sorrowing neighbors. The faithful deputy, learning that maraud-
ing Apaches were in the vicinity of the camp galloped out to re-
connoitre, ventured too near to some lurking renegades, and
paid the penalty with his life.

(To be concluded)

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

HOW GERONIMO WAS FINALLY OVFRPOMF
AND DEPORTED FROM ARIZONA

(By Geo. H. Kelly)

Friend, three words cover all I want tn foil

The„NGertTmrsno^\t0 fP<^ “d «ave his hand in surrender,
much complicated hv thfi Said ^ ult the conference had been
Tribolet Tiv in,On Vrevi^ f G. COnd,Uct of an American named

££$

onfribolet’s place ^

;s5ri srs&zz ass? slm,

^S^teSr33a

GERONIMO DEPORTATION

but Captain Bourke, who had been studying the Apache language
attested to its correctness.

Chihuahua spoke: “ I am very glad to see you and have
this talk with you. It is as you say, we shall always be in
danger as long as we remain out here, but I hope from this on
that we may live better with our families and not do any harm
to anyone. I am anxious to behave for I see the sun looking
down upon me and the earth listening and I am thinking better.
It seems to me that I have seen the one who makes the rains and
sends the winds. He must have sent you to this place. I
surrender simply to you because I believe in you and you have
never lied to us. You don’t deceive us. You must be our God.
I am satisfied with all that you do. You must be the one who
makes the green pasture; who sends the rain; commands the
wind. You must be the one who sends the fresh fruit that
comes on the trees every year. There are many men in the
world who are big chiefs and command many people, but you, I
think, are the greatest of them all or you would not have come
out here to see us. I want you to be a father to me and to treat
me as your son. I want you to have pity on me. There is no
doubt that all you do is right because all you do is just the same
as if God did it. Everything you do is right, so I consider, so
I believe you to be. I trust in all you do or say. You don’t
lie; you don’t deceive. All you tell us are the facts. I am now in
your hands. I place myself at your disposition. I surrender
myself to you; do with me as you please. I shake your hand.
I want to go in your company and stay with you. I do not want
to stay at a distance. I want to be right where you are. I have
roamed in the mountains from year to year and never have I
found a place where I could see my father or my mother until
today I see you, my father. I surrender to you now and I
don’t want any more bad feeling or bad talk. I am going to
stay with you in your camp. Whenever a man raises anything,
even a dog, he tries to raise it right and treats it well ; so I want
you to feel towards me. Don’t let people say bad things about
me. Now, I surrender to you and go with you. When we are
traveling together on the road or anywhere else, I hope you
will take me once in a while. I think a great deal of Alchioay
and Kaetena. They think a great deal of me and I hope some
day to be all the same as their brother and that you will think
as much of me as you do of them. I would like you to send my
family with me wherever you send me. I have a daughter at
Camp Apache and some relatives of myself and my band at
San Carlos. Wherever you send me I hope you would send them.”

38 ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Nah-chee then spoke: “What Chihuahua said I say. I

surrender to you just as he did. I give you my word; I give you
my body. I surrender. I have nothing more to say than that.
When I was free, I gave orders but now I surrender to you and
throw myself at your feet. You order and I obey. What you
tell me to do I do.”

Geronimo’s talk: “Two or three words are enough. I have
but little to say. (Shakes hands with Crook.) What the others
say, I also say. Now I give myself up to you. Do with me what
you please. I surrender. Once I moved about like the wind
but now' I surrender to you and that is all. I surrender to you
and want to be just as if I were in your pocket. Now I feel like
your brother and Kaetena is my brother also. I was very far
from here, almost nobody could get to that place but i sent
you word I wanted to come in and here 1 am. Whatever you tell
us is true. We are all satisfied with that and hope the day will
come when my word will be as strong with you as yours is
with me.”

General Crook was right when he told Geronimo, on the
occasion of their first meeting, that his word could not be be-
lieved, for five days after the formal surrender and the penitent
words of Geronimo this wily old chief broke his every promise
and with a band of twenty of his drunken warriors slipped away
in the night and headed back to their old haunts in Sonora. They
had promised to leave Monday for Silver Creek and from thence
to Fort Bowie, but on Monday they were still drunk and uncon-
trolable and during the night they disappeared, leaving most of
their camp effects behind. Natchez went with Geronimo and
Lieutenant Mauss with a company of troopers w*ent in pursuit
of Geronimo and Natchez, but it required several weeks of hard
campaigning in Sonora to again corner this old villian and again
force his surrender to General Miles, which event was followed
by deporting Geronimo and his band of warriors, who had
murdered so many citizens — men, women and children — in
Arizona.

In about one week after Geronimo’s surrender to General
Crook an order came from the War Department relieving Crook
as commander of the Department of Arizona and naming
General Nelson A. Miles as his successor. Then came the
final campaign to recapture Geronimo.

In the final campaign w’hich resulted in the deportation of
Geronimo, Lieutenants Lawton and Gatewood were prominent,
the latter reputed to have been the one who induced Geronimo
to agree to unconditional surrender. In less than twenty-five

GERONIMO DEPORTATION

days from the day when Geronimo broke away from Lieutenant
Mauss he and his band were forced to ask for terms of surrender
which was unconditionally, except that some assurance was
probably given that these hostiles would not be turned over to
Arizona civil authority for trial and punishment for their
atrocious crimes, evidence of which was plentiful.

Geronimo and his band made their final surrender in
Skeleton Canyon, some sixty miles east of the present border
city of Douglas. After this formal surrender General Miles
returned to^ his headquarters, at Bowie . accompanied by
Geronimo, Natchez and several other of the war leaders.

On September 9, 1886, Geronimo and his band of hostiles,
including women and children, all having arrived at Bowie,
were put into four box cars and the entire number shipped to
Florida, via the Southern Pacific and Sunset routes. They
were given provisions, etc., and the cars were securely locked
Orders were given to push the train through, without unnec-
essary stops, to Fort Marion. Thus Arizona was rid of a blood-
thirsty band of murderers. These hostile Indians were moved
from one point to another until they finally reached Fort Sill,
Oklahoma, where Geronimo died. Before death claimed him
Geronimo made several pleas for the return of himself, his family
and his people to Arizona, but this was never considered because
of the knowledge of the determination of the people of Arizona
to bring him to the gallows through trial for murder, indictments
for which having been returned before he was taken from the
territory. Geronimo became interested in religion, or pretended
to be, and had a class in Sunday School before his final call to
the “happy hunting grounds”.

__ “9eronimo’s Story of His Life”, edited by S. M. Barrett,
T- Melton, a cattleman living at his ranch in Skeleton
Canyon when Geronimo finally surrendered to General Miles,
contributes the following statement giving details of this sur-
render and his understanding of the terms:

From 1882 to 1887 I lived in Southern Arizona and was
employed by the San Simon Cattle Company.

In 1886 I was stationed in Skeleton Canvon, about ten miles
north of the boundary line between Arizona and Old Mexico,
with J. D. Prewitt. It was our duty to ride the lines south of our

keep tlie catt*e the company from straying into
Old Mexico.

One afternoon, when returning from our ride, we discovered
an Indian trail leading toward our camp. We rode hurriedly out
of the hills into a broad valley so that we could better discover

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

any attacking parties of Apaches and if assailed have at least a
fighting chance for our lives. We knew the Apaches under
Geronimo were on the warpath, but they were far down in Old
Mexico. However, our knowledge of the Indians led us to ex-
pect anything at any time — to always be ready for the worst.

“When we reached the valley we struck a cavalry trail also
headed for our camp. This was perplexing, for neither the
Indians nor the soldiers seemed to have been riding fast, and
both trails led toward our camp in Skeleton Canyon. This
canyon was a natural route from Old Mexico to Arizona, and
almost all bands of Indians, as well as detachments of United
States troops, passed and repassed through this valley when
going to Old Mexico or returning therefrom, but never before
had two hostile bands passed through here at the same time
and traveling in the same direction, except when one fled and
the other pursued. What this could mean was a mystery to us.
Could it be that the troops had not seen the Indians? Were the
redskins trying to head the troops off and attack them in their
camp? Were the troops hunting for those Indians? Could this
be Lawton’s command? Could that be Geronimo’s band? No,
it was impossible. Then who were these troops and what
Indians were those?

“Cautiously we rode to our camp and nailed on the door of
our cabin was this notice:

“ ‘BE CAREFUL, GERONIMO IS NEAR BY AND
HAS NOT YET SURRENDERED.

Capt. Lawton.’

“Then we understood.

“A short distance above our cabin we found the camp of the
troops and we had just finished talking with Captain Lawton,
who advised us to remain in his camp rather than risk staying
alone in our cabin, when up rode the chief, Geronimo. He was
mounted on a blaze-faced, white-stockinged dun horse.

“He came directly to Captain Lawton and through an in-
terpreter asked who we were and what we wanted.

“As soon as the explanation was given he nodded his approval
and rode away.

“Prewitt and I rode away with him. We were well armed and
well mounted and Geronimo was wrell mounted but so far as we
could see unarmed. I tried to talk with the chief (in English)
but could not make him understand. Prewitt wanted to shoot
him and said he could easily kill him the first shot, but I ob-
jected and succeeded in restraining him. While we were arguing
the chief rode silently between us, evidently feeling perfectly

GERONIMO DEPORTATION

secure. All this time we had been riding in the direction of
our horses that were grazing in the valley about a mile distant
from our corral. When he came to a place about a half mile
from Lawton’s camp, where a spur of the mountain ran far
out into the valley, Geronimo turned aside, saluted, said in
fairly good Spanish, ‘Adios, Senors,’ and began to ascend a
mountain path. Later we learned that he was going directly
toward his camp far up among the rocks. We rode on, drove our
horses back to the corral and remained in our cabin all night
but were not molested by the Indians. ’

“The next day we killed three beeves for the Indians and they
were paid for by Captain Lawton. On the second day two
mounted Mexican scouts came to Lawton’s camp. As soon as
these Mexicans came in sight the Indians seized their arms and
vanished, as it were, among the rocks.

Captain Lawton wrote an account of conditions and deli v-
ered it to the Mexicans, who withdrew. After thev had gone
and their mission had been explained to Geronimo the Indians
again returned to their camp and laid down their arms.

“On the next day word reached camp that General Miles was
approaching and the Indians again armed and disappeared
among the rocks. (Many of the Apache squaws had field glasses
and were stationed every day on prominent mountain peaks to
keep a lookout. No one could approach their camp or Lawton’s
camp without being discovered by these spies.)

Soon after General Miles joined Lawton’s command
Geronimo rode into camp unarmed and, dismounting, approached
General Miles, shook hands with him and then stood proudly

before the officers waiting for General Miles to begin conversation
with him.

, • '‘The interpreter said to Geronimo, 1 General Miles is your
mend. Geronimo said, 'I never saw him but I have been in
need of friends. Why has he not been with me?’ When this
answer was interpreted everybody laughed. After this there
was no more formality and without delay the discussion of the
+[e^t3^WaS -begUn' , A11 1 remember distinctly of the treaty is
that Geronimo and his band were not to be killed, but they
were to be taken to their families. J

I remember this more distinctly, because the Indians were
so much pleased with this particular one of the terms of the
treaty.

Geronimo, Nah-chee, and a few others went on ahead with
General Miles, but the main band of Indians left under the
escort of Lawton’s troops.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

“The night before they left, a young squaw, daughter-in-law
of Geronimo, gave birth to a child. The next morning the
husband, Geronimo’s son, carried the child, but the mother
mounted her pony unaided and rode away unassisted — a prisoner
of war under military escort.

“On the afternoon of the day of the treaty Captain Lawton
built a monument (about ten feet across and six feet high) of
rough stones at the spot where the treaty was made. The next
year some cowboys on a round-up camped at the place and
tore down the monument to see what was in it. All they found
was a bottle containing a piece of paper upon which was written
the names of the officers who were with Lawton.

“After the Indians left we found one hundred and fifty dollars
and twenty-five cents ^SIovj.^5) in i*xexican money hidden in a
rat’s nest near where the Indians had camped.

“About ten o’clock on the morning after the Apaches and
soldiers had gone away twenty Pimos Indians, accompanied
by one white man, surrounded our camp and demanded to know
of Geronimo’s whereabouts. We told them of the treaty and
they followed the trail on toward Fort Bowie.

“That afternoon, thinking all danger from Apaches past,
my partner, Prewitt, went to ride the lines and I was left in
camp alone. I was pumping water (by horse-power) at the
well, when I saw three Indians rounding up our horses about half
a mile away. They saw me but did not disturb me, nor did I
interfere with them, but as soon as they had driven that bunch
of horses northward over the hill out of sight I rode quickly off
in another direction and drove another bunch of horses into the
corral. The rest of the afternoon I stayed in camp, but saw
no more Indians.

“The next day we rode over the hill in the direction these
Indians had gone and found that they had camped not three
miles away. There were evidently several in the party and
they had kept scouts concealed near the top of the hill to watch
me, and to shoot me from ambush had I followed them. This
we knew because we saw behind some rocks at the crest of the
hill in the loose soil the imprints left by the bodies of three
warriors where they had been lying down in concealment.

“At their camp we found the head and hoofs of my favorite
horse, “Digger,” a fine little sorrel pony, and knew that he had
served them for dinner. We followed their trail far into Old
Mexico, but did not overtake them. We had been accustomed
to say ‘it was Geronimo’s band,’ whenever any depredation
was committed, but this time we were not so positive.”

GERONIMO DEPORTATION

From the same book is taken the following story of Geronimo
concerning his experiences as “A Prisoner of War.”

“When I had given up to the Government they put me on
the Southern Pacific Railroad and took me to San Antonio
Texas, and held me to be tried by their laws.

“In forty days they took me from there to Fort Pickens
(Pensacola), Florida. Here they put me to sawing up large logs.
There were several other Apache warriors with me and all of "us
had to work every day. For nearly two 3'ears we were kept at
hard labor in this place and we did not see our families until
May, 1887. This treatment was in direct violation of our treaty
made at Skeleton Canyon.

“After this we were sent with our families to Vermont,
Alabama, where we stayed five years and worked for the Govern-
ment. We had no property and I looked in vain for General
Miles to send me to that land of which he had spoken j I longed
in vain for the implements, house and stock that General Miles
had promised me.

“During this time one of my warriors, Fun, killed himself
and his wife. Another one shot his wife and then shot himself.
He fell dead but the woman recovered and is still living.

\\ e were not healthy in this place, for the climate disagreed
with us. So many of our people died that I consented to let one
of my wives go to the Mescalero Agency, in New Mexico, to live.
This separation is according to our custom equivalent to what the
white people call divorce, and so she married again soon after
she got to Mescalero. She also kept our two small children,
which she had a right to do. The children, Lenna and Robbie’
are still living at Mescalero, New Mexico. Lenna is married.

I kept one wife, but she is dead now and I have onlv our daughter,
Eva, with me. Since my separation from Lenna’s mother I
have never had more than one at a time. Since the death of
Eva’s mother I married another woman (December, 1905) but
we could not live happily and separated. She went home to her
people — that is an Apache divorce.

Then, as now, Mr. George Wratton superintended the
Indians. He has always had trouble with the Indians, because
he has mistreated them. One day an Indian, while drunk
stabbed Mr. W ration with a little knife. The officer in charge
took the part of Mr. Wratton and the Indian was sent to prison.

When first came to Fort Sill, Captain Scott was in
charge and he had houses built for us bv the Government. Wre
were also given, from the Government, cattle, hogs, turkevs and
chickens. The Indians did not do much good with the hogs

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

because they did not understand how to care for them, and not
many Indians even at the present time keep hogs. We did better
with the turkeys and chickens, but with these we did not have as
good luck as white men do. With the cattle we have done verv
well, indeed, and we like to raise them. We have a few horses
also, ^and have had no bad luck with them.

“In the matter of selling our stock and grain there has been
much misunderstanding. The Indians understood that the
cattle were to be sold and the money given to them, but, instead
part of the money is given to the Indians and part of it is placed
in what the officers call the “Apache Fund.” We have had five
different officers in charge of the Indians here and they have all
ruled _ very much alike— not consulting the Apaches or even
explaining to them. It may be that the Government ordered the
officers m c-iiarge to put this cattle money into an Apache Fund
for once I complained and told Lieutenant Purington that I
intended to report to the Government that he had taken some of
my part of the cattle money and put it into the Apache Fund
he saul he did not care if I did tell. ’

“Several years ago the issue of clothing ceased. This, too
may have been by the order of the Government, but the Apaches
do not understand it.

If there is an Apache Fund, it should some day be turned
over to the Indians, or at least they should have an account
oi it, tor it is their earnings.

“When General Miles last visited Fort Sill I asked to be

fr0nJ AarM°r ?n account of my age. I also remembered
what General Miles had promised me in the treaty and told him
ol it. He said I need not work any more except when I wished
to, and since that time I have not been detailed to do any work

To!fVei jW??ed * ^eat deal, however, since then, for, although
1 am old, I like to work and help my people as much as I am able.”

AN INDIAN SCARE

AN INDIAN SCARE
By Mrs. A. M. Dyer, Douglas, Arizona

In August, 1885, my husband, Mr. F. H. Dyer, my step-
daughter, Minnie Dyer, and myself went up in the Catalina
Mountains, beyond Tucson, to escape from the heat. We were
on the lower slope of the north side of Mount Lemmon at an
abandoned mining camp, known as the Copper Camp, where
there was a small smelter and several houses. The mine had
not paid and everything had been shut down for some years;
we made our home in a house built of logs.

The location was a beautiful one. We were surrounded by
mountains dotted over by open woods of fine trees — oak, juniper,
sycamore, wild locust and pine, on the higher slopes. A clear
stream of cold water ran at the foot of the hill on which our
house stood. There were beautiful flowers and vines. The
yellow columbine twinkled up and down the brook like stars.
One day, while wandering through the woods, I came upon a
large, perfect white cross; it was the remains of a dead tree
covered with a profuse growth of white clematis. It was quite
startling to come upon it standing all by itself in that lonely place.

The Mammoth Mine, of which Mr. Dyer was part owner,
was about sixty miles away, being connected with the Copper
Camp by a good wagon road. At the camp were about twenty
Mexicans engaged in cutting pine trees to be used in timbering
the Mammoth Mine.

There being no store nearer than the Mammoth, we kept
provisions of various kinds to sell to the Mexicans; that brought
them to the house and in that way we became well acquainted
with them and with the one woman amongst them, the Senora
Castro, who used to entertain us by singing to the accompani-
ment of her guitar. I remember, especially, one song that she
called the Mexican “Home Sweet Home," with its pathetic
refrain of “Nunca Jamas — quien sabe sin la vida; quien sabe sin
la vida.”

Teclo was also an entertaining personality. He told me one
day that the mules ought not to be allowed to drink out of the
brook, because if any hairs fell in the water they turned to
rattlesnakes.

The pine logs were hauled to the mine by a wagon drawn
by eight splendid big mules. The round trip was made once a
week, bringing supplies and mail. It was always a joyous

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

occasion when the wagon arrived, since it was our only con-
necting link with the outside world, though we had occasional

visitors. sQ happy there; go interested in our life and sur-

roundings, and in the life of the Mexicans so that when cool
weather came we did not leave but stayed until the following
May when we were driven out by the Apaches.

In October, a number of men under Charles Gooding opened
the mine and smelter and operated them for a time, but found
they could not make them pay; all the men left except Charles
Gooding and Charles Quitty, who remained in charge of the
property. Naturally, we became warm friends, the more
especially as my daughter and Charles Gooding became much
interested in each other and there was tte watehing of ^ a love
affair to ada to tne general gaiety Oi me. 1 * — -- *

Maddening Crowd,” our life was by no means dull.

The winter brought snow and great numbers of beautiiul
birds, most brilliantly colored but songless.

About eight miles down the mountain was a small group
of miners working a prospect; the combined agglomeration being
known as “The Gold Camp.” One of these miners was a Mr
Ramsdell, who came to our house frequently, the principal
attraction being my daughter, though Air Ramsdell often went
hunting with Mr. Dyer. Deer were plentiful. We had so much
venison that we felt as my grandfather did about rabbits. He
used to say:

“Rabbits young and rabbits old,

Rabbits hot and rabbits cold,

Rabbits tender and rabbits tough.

Thank the Lord, I’ve had enough!”

Time flowed gently and happily by until the spring o

1886, the time of Geronimo’s last raid. .

The Apaches had not been in the Catalina Mountains tor
so many years that we felt not the slightest uneasiness though
we knew of Geronimo’s raids and atrocities. A band of Apaches
lived on the San Pedro River, about sixty miles from us, but they
had long been peaceful. The United States Government had
given them such inducements to remain that no one had an>
fear of them. At the head of this band was an old rascal name
Es-kim-in-zeen. In early times he and his braves were very
friendly with the cattlemen along the San Pedro, often being
fed at the ranch houses. One morning Es-kim-in-zeen and some
of his Apaches went to one of these ranch houses. Alter the
cattlemen had eaten breakfast they had the Indians sit down
and eat, after which the Indians rose from the table and kilieu

AN INDIAN SCARE

every man there. Es-kim-in-zeen said: “My heart burst within
me and I had to do it; any coward can kill his enemy but it takes
a brave man to kill his friend.” As a mark of appreciation of
this noble sentiment, the United States Government gave this
brave man and his followers a tract of land and a band of cattle
on condition that he would keep his heart in order and would
not allow it to “burst within him” again. To finish with
Ex-kim-m-zeen. W hile the . Apaches were in the Catalina
Mountains, he, or some of his braves were often seen driving
wagon loads of beef to the renegades in the mountains. He did
not dare let his heart burst again but he did his little bit as well
as he could.

Life passed uneventfully by until May of 1886. The mine
and mill at Mammoth had been shut down for repairs* no
timber being needed for the mine the Mexicans at the Copper
Camp had been discharged. Our little family of three, together
with Charles Gooding and Charles Quitty, constituted the
population of the Copper Camp.

One night about eleven o’clock Minnie came into our room
and said: “Oh, father, Mr. Ramsdell is outside and he savs

the Indians are here. ” Mr. Dyer got up, went to the door and
found that Mr. Ramsdell had become confused and could not
if ^crossing of the brook, so he stood on the bank and
yelled Indians!” When he came in he was shaking with
fright not for himself but for us. There had been a fight
between some ranchers and a band of Apaches on the San
Pedro. After dark that evening two men came on horseback to
the Gold Camp to warn the miners. Mr. Ramsdell wanted them
to go up the mountain and warn us but they said they would

nnY-nr letr of runnin& into the Indians; that we were probably
all killed by that time, anyway. Mr. Ramsdell then seized his
gun and ran the eight miles up the mountain. Mr. Dyer went
down and roused the two young men. They arose, dressed and
came up to our house with their guns; there was nowhere to go
and nothing to do. Our house being made of logs was the best
place for defense. We sat and waited, expecting an attack at
daylight. \Ye afterwards found that eight Apaches, four
wounded in charge of four well ones, had passed our house in the
night on their way to some deserted cabins several miles farther
up the mountain. They knew about us and intended to kill
us on their way out, after the wounded had recovered. We had
no way of leaving. Minnie had been ill and could not walk far.
Mr. Ramsdell and the two young men made a sleeping place on
a smah hill, overlooking our house and spent the nights there

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

until we went away. Two days after we were first warned, Mr.
Weedin and Joe Phy came from Florence to wrarn us but could
think of no way to get us out on account of Minnie’s ill
health, so after staying a night and day they went down to
Mammoth. Mr. Johnson, the superintendent at Mammoth, had
not known we were in danger. He looked about the camp to find
a man and conveyance to send for us. He found that a man
named Ezekiel had a good two-seated spring wagon and a pair of
fast horses. When the matter was explained to him he said at
once he would go. He started the next morning and drove the
sixty miles with his gun on his knees, keeping one eye on the road
and" the other on every clump of rocks and bushes. After his
arrival we made our preparations and left for Mammoth early the
next morning, driving rapidly and expecting at any moment to
run into the Indians. Nothing happened, however, and we
arrived safely at Mammoth.

We had taken with us only a few things, as the wagon could
not be heavily loaded. Mr. Dyer and Minnie, being from the
east, could never understand the danger from the Indians and
would not have left the Copper Camp if it had not been for my
fears. I was in terror. I had lived in the West nearly all my
life, and besides had had an uncle killed by the Apaches.

The next morning after we arrived at Mammoth, Mr. Dyer
hired a heavy wagon and driver and went back to the Copper
Camp to bring away the stuff that had been left there. When
they left Mammoth the driver was so drunk he could hardly
sit on the seat. That evening we could see the Indians’ signal
fires on the peaks of the mountains. A flame would dart up and
down several times and wTould then be answered in the same
way from another peak.

Just after Mr. Dyer had gone, Mr. Wallace, the superin-
tendent of the mill, came in and told us that the body of Dr.
Davis had been found in the road over which Mr. Dyer would
pass. Dr. Davis and his family lived on a cattle ranch on the
San Pedro. He had taken his family into Tucson for safety
and was returning to the ranch when the Indians waylaid and
killed him. My feelings during the days Mr. Dyer was gone
may be imagined; however, he returned safely without seeing
anything of the Indians.

We remained at Mammoth about two weeks, hoping the
Apache raid would be ended and we might return in safety to
the Copper Camp, but it became apparent that the end was not
near, so we went to Tucson on the stage, which was considered
safer than a private conveyance. Until we were out of the

AN INDIAN SCARE

danger zone the men in the stage rode with their guns in their

hands, but we saw no Indians. . , . ,

A year or so after this terrifying Indian experience, m which
we saw no Indians, Charles Gooding met and talked with an
Apache scout who told him that the Indians knew all about us;
that the eight Indians who passed our house in the mountains
intended to kill us on their way out, when the wounded ones had
sufficiently recovered to travel. The eight lay all of one day con-
cealed in some bushes on a little hill not far from the house.
They described us to the scout. They saw we had been warned
and that there were four armed men on guard. They stole
away in the night intending to return with a larger party, but
before they did so we were gone.

So ended the Indian scare, in which we saw no Indians, but
which was terrifying just the same.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

STAGES HELD UP ON BLACK CANYON ROUTE

(I. E. Solomon tells story)

I. E. Solomon for many years was one of the prominent
citizens and merchants of Southern Arizona, residing at Solo-
monville, Graham County, this town taking its name from Mr.
Solomon. He went to the site of Solomonville in 1876 from
Clifton, where for a short time he was employed in the crude
copper smelter then in operation there and owned by the Lis-
zynsky Brothers, who were relatives of Mrs. Solomon. What
caused Mr. Solomon to go to the Gila Valley was a contract for
burning mesquite timber into charcoal for use in the furnaces
of the Clifton smelter. At Solomonville he established a general
store which grew into one of the largest mercantile establish-
ments in Southern Arizona. He was also president of the firm
of Solomon, Wickersham & Company, wholesale and retail
merchants and government contractors at Bowie station, on the
Southern Pacific Railroad. At Solomonville Mr. Solomon also
handled government contracts, supplying hay and grain to the
military posts at Fort Grant, Fort Thomas and San Carlos. To
make settlement with the quartermasters' department of the
army, at Prescott, was the business of Mr. Solomon at Prescott
at the time of the stage hold-up incident related in the following,
written by Mr. Solomon at the request of the state historia'n
in January, 1923:

“In the early part of 1880 I had an exciting experience on
the Black Canyon road, between Prescott and Phoenix, when
two stages were held up, at their meeting place, by robbers, all
the passengers relieved of their cash and other valuables.

“At that time I was president of the firm of Solomon, Wick-
ersham & Company, merchants, government contractors and
forwarding agents at Bowie, on the Southern Pacific Railroad,
thirty-five miles south of my home at Solomonville. This firm
held contracts for military supplies and the forwarding of
supplies to the various army posts and camps in Southern
Arizona, then infested by unconquered hostile Apache Indians.
The incident I will relate occurred when I was returning to
Bowie from Prescott, where I had been to make settlement
with the army quartermaster. As a result of this settlement
I received from the quartermaster two government checks, one
for 81,000 and one for 8960. As I needed some money for
ex [lenses of my trip home I went to Colonel Head’s store in

STAGES HELD XJP

Prescott and asked him to cash one of the quartermaster’s
checks. He asked me what size these checks were. I told him
I wanted to cash one for S960. He asked his bookkeeper, Mr.
Cook, to cash my checks. Mr. Cook started to count the money
out to me in nothing but fives and small bills, making a large
pile of money. In those days one was always more or less
concerned about the danger of hold-ups and it occurred to me
that I should not risk this money on a trip home, a wise con-
clusion as events afterward proved. I then asked Mr. Cook if
he had any larger bills he could give me. He said he had none,
so I asked him to cash my personal check for a small amount
to meet my expense to Phoenix. He said he would much rather
cash my individual check as they desired to retain their own
cash for which there was urgent demand in Prescott. I drew
my check for $25 and retained the draft. I started for my home
on the same day, accompanied by Captain Gordon, of the U. S.
Cavalry, who was stationed at Fort Grant. There was also a
doctor in the stage coach with us.

“We left Prescott about two o’clock in the afternoon. As
it got dark the captain, as if having a presentiment of danger,
told me if I had any money with me I had better put it in my
boots as we were liable to be held up along there. I told the
captain what little monej' I had would not hurt me to lose but
that he had better secrete what he had, which was considerably
more than I had. I noticed the captain was getting more and
more nervous. Finally he left the seat inside the coach and
climbed up beside the driver, I remaining with the doctor on the
inside. About one hour after the captain left his seat in the
coach two masked men stopped the stage. One of them pointed
a gun at me and told me to get out and, of course, I lost no
time in obeying the order, as did the doctor. The captain was
ordered down from the driver’s seat. One of the men said
“Throw up your hands!” and this order was obeyed without
any loss of time. In those days I had a valuable gold watch,
open face, to which was attached a silk cord. One of the men
started to untie this silk cord. I asked him to cut the cord instead
of trying to untie it. He cut the cord and took my watch. He
also took the watches of the captain and the doctor. Next he
went through my pockets from which he obtained some $50 or
$60. The doctor had only about $5.00 or $10 but my friend, the
captain, yielded up between $200 and $300 in cash. They
returned what checks were taken from us, as they could be of
no use to the bandits. In the meantime they ordered the
Wells-Fargo box down from the seat of the stage, opened it and

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

took out the contents. During all this time there was good
humored conversation between the robbers and the stage
passengers, I taking occasion to compliment the robbers on the
success of their enterprise in getting a substantial amount of cash
and other valuables without doing bodily harm to anyone.

“After the express box had been rifled the stage enroute to
Prescott from Phoenix was heard coming and we, of the Phoenix-
bound, were ordered to stand quietly beside the road — (this inci-
dent occurred about two miles from Gillette Station). There were
six men on the Prescott bound stage, among them three soldiers, a
doctor and Dick Nagle, one of the best men in the United States
marshal’s force in Arizona at that time and who had previously
been city marshal at Tombstone. These men were ordered out
of the stage, the soldiers having previously thrown their guns
to the side of the road, and with “hands up!” they were relieved
of their valuables as we had been — money and watches. I think
one of the robbers must have known me — at least he seemed to
show unusual regard for me. The robbers remained until after
the Prescott stage departed. Before the Prescott stage moved
away I again took occasion to congratulate the bandits on the
good success of their undertaking — holding up two stages without
harm to anyone, other than the loss of cash and other valuables
and thanked them for their courtesy and desire to avoid inflicting
bodily harm. The two men seemed to appreciate my com-
plimentary remarks and this emboldened me to ask the man who
I was led to believe knew me if he would not be goo’d enough
to hand back my watch, as I regarded it as an heirloom, it having
been given me by a relative and while it would be of little value
to them I prized it very highly. There was no hesitation on the
part of the robbers in complying with this request, one of them
producing eight or ten watches. Mine being open-faced and
with silk cord I readily recognized it and received it back, thank-
ing the man who handed it to me. Captain Gordon asked them
to return his watch also. I explained to them that Captain
Gordon was a friend of mine and as he had yielded a goodly sum
of cash I thought they could afford to return his watch, which
was done without further remark. Then Deputy-Marshal Nagle
said: “Gentlemen, I hope you will also return my watch. I

prize it very highly because it was given me by prominent
citizens of lombstone after I had served that city as chief of
police. The names of my Tombstone friends are engraved on
the watch, also my own name. If you will return to me my
watch I will leave, or send, $100 to any place in Arizona for you
and never attempt to make any trouble for you on account of

STAGES HELD UP

my watch. You just name the place and I will send the $100 if
you return to me this highly prized watch. They hesitated for
some little time when, finally, one of the robbers said Here,
take your confounded watch” and he got it back and without
any instructions as to where to send the money lie had promised

“Such good furtune as had come to us with the return ol
the watches was hardly to be expected from stage robbers and
this caused me to ask for more, so after the Prescott stage had
started I again thanked “the boys’ ’ for their liberality in
returning our watches, telling them that they had been very
nice to our friends. I then asked that they return to me enough
money to pav for my breakfast in Phoenix and drinks for myself,
the captain," the doctor and the stage driver. One of them
nulled out a hand filled with silver with the remark that I take
what I needed. I took S7.00 or SS.00, remarking, Boys, you
seem to be regular fellers.” We parted, but I never was sure
whether I was known to one of them or not. ” . .

Mr Solomon, after many years of prominence in business at
Solomonville, and Bowie, sold his holdings and retired He,
with Mrs. Solomon, now resides in Los Angeles. Their children
were Charles F., now president of the Arizona-Southwest Bank,
at Tucson; Harry now residing in the Imperial Valley; Eva, who
married Julius Wetzler, of Holbrook, Arizona, where she now
lives; Rose, who married Dave Goldberg, of Phoenix, residing
here until Mr. Goldberg retired from business here and estab-
lished a home in San Francisco; Lilly, who married Max Lantin,
of Globe, now residing in Los Angeles; Blanche, who married
Jacob Weinberger, of Globe, who, soon after serving in the
Arizona Constitutional Convention in 1911 moved to ban
Diego, where he is now practicing law.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

INTERESTING REMINISCENCES
By Colonel A. J. Doran

For many years Major A. J. Doran was one of the prominent
men of the Territory of Arizona. He first came into Arizona in
1862, being with General Carleton, who commanded what was
known as the California Column, a military expedition sent to
Arizona and New Mexico to clear the country of a Southern
Confederacy force, which had taken possession of Southern
New Mexico and the territory now included in Arizona, under
General Baylor, who had established headquarters at La
Mesilla, where he issued a proclamation declaring himself Gov-
ernor of Arizona.

After his service in the California Column, Doran returned
to California and engaged in mining in that state and Utah for
a time. He was a millwright and bridge builder and was engaged
m bridge building on the Santa Fe Railroad during its con-
struction; was present when the last spike was driven when the
two roads were connected, at Promongory. For a time he was
in Hie employ of the Central Pacific Railroad Company, and he
built the first railroad turn-table ever used in the United States,
at the foot of Second Street, San Francisco. He then went to
the Death \ alley country and helped to build the Panamint
Mill for Stewart and Jones.

In the fall of 18/ 6 he left Los Angeles for Arizona, and
resided here up to the time of his death, which occurred in the
Arizona Pioneers’ Home, at Prescott, he being superintendent of
that institution.

Soon after arriving in Arizona he built the mill at Pinal for
the Silver King Mining Company. Afterwards he was super-
intendent of the Silver King Company for several years.

Major Doran left the Silver King Mine to reside in Florence,
where he served Pinal County in many official positions. In
1880 he w as elected as a member of the Eleventh Territorial
Legislature, the session being held at Prescott. At the next
election, that of 18S2, he was elected sheriff. After that he
served two terms as chairman of the board of supervisors.
He was elected a member of the Fourteenth Territorial Leg-
islature in Prescott. He was also a member of the Sixteentli
Legislature, which convened in the city hall in Phoenix. He was
also a member of the council in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Territorial Legislatures and was president of the council in the

INTERESTING REMINISCENCES

eighteenth session. He served two terms as member of the

Tb0^rdw°meq“allZoatl0n’ being first appointed bv
Governor Lewis Wolfley in 1889. For seven vears lie was Lieu-

Guard'^0 006 °f thC F‘rSt Ilegiment of the Arizona National

Major Doran was elected to the council of the Twentv-
fourth territorial Legislature from Yavapai County, and was

chosen president of that body. y’

He Twd fof, many years ^ Pinal County.

He built the old and, later, the new court-house and an im-
portant school-house. The lumber used in the old court-house at
Florence in 1878 was hauled from Prescott at the cost of SI 50 00

built in 1889d r°Ugh Umber' The new court-house was

sheriffUtiheg<5-lhe t"16 Dora“ served Pinal County as

u Kln6 Mme was in full operation, reducing the
~ yilve' bars and concentrates. The bars weighed from
100 to 12o Pounds and were shipped by express to Casa Grande

Francisco0” Th! Pa“fi« Ra!lroad- aad thence to San

2 *1 T „• S,tage was robbed twice while Doran was sheriff
*he bull*?,n taken. The first time there was only one bar on

wwLnf' ]-iie Staf6 was held up a short distance from Pinal
here the mill was located. The bar was so heavy the robbers

SMne of^heTobh lt’ S0Tthey *ecreted 11 3 short distance from the
scene of the robbery. Immediate pursuit was given and a search

made for the bar of bullion and it was found *

Some months later, according to Major Doran the stave
was held up again, almost at the same place, and three bars of
S:ri takeQ;, A(ter the robb-y the stage driver returned

of the Li b gave the a arm- ,The bulIion was recovered and two
of the robbers were captured. They were convicted and sent

to prison for a term of years. One of these robbers Major Doran
pursued for about 100 miles into the Tonto Basin Countrv

prison terms™8 hm' HC’ t0gether with his pal, served their
The Silver King Mine

King^MiLe: D°nln th° following description of the Silver

150 v-Sfa marvelous mine. Its ore shute was

V™ ln length and 7o feet in width, in porphyry formation

l :Z°dUCCi aLUt, Slxt?en million of dollars and paid eight
millions in dividends to its owners. The first ores were selected

whtre it w«°i? ^iT'6 to Yuma. a distance of 350 miles, from
where it was shipped by steamer to San Francisco. The wagon

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

freight to Yuma was fifteen cents per pound and the steamer
freight was $25.00 per ton. This made a total of $350. per ton.
The ore ran in value from two to four thousand dollars per ton,
much of it being almost pure silver. The mine was discovered
in the latter part of the year 1873. The road from Silver King
to Picket Post, just over the crest of the mountain, was built by
General Stoneman, then in command of the military department
of Arizona, and was known as “Stoneman’s Grade.” Two
soldiers belonging to his command, and stationed at the post,
were discharged and they started to go to Florence, on foot.
When they got to the foot of the mountain, on the south side,
they stopped to rest. One of them picked up a piece of peculiar
looking ore, took it with him to Florence and showed it to
Charlie Mason, who was then a resident of Florence. Mason
had the ore tested and found that it was very rich in silver,
being almost solid chloride of silver, known to miners as “horn
silver.” The soldiers disappeared, no one knowing where they
went.

“After the ore was tested, Charlie Mason, Billy Long and
Mr. Reagan organized a party and went on a hunt for this mine,
or the location the ore came from. They made an extended
search, but could not find anything, at that time. One of their
animals, a white mule, strayed awray from the camp about the
time the party was ready to return to Florence. Billy Long left
the camp in search of the lost mule. He saw him standing’on a
round, reddish looking hill, sunning himself in the morning sun.
Long went up the hill and got the mule and discovered that the
mule was standing on the croppings of wdiat was afterwards
known as the Silver King Mine.

“They made the location in 1873 and Charlie Mason became
the first superintendent of the incorporated company. I relieved
Mason as superintendent in 1881. The first mill erected on the
mine had five stamps, erected by an old millwright well known
in Arizona by the name of Comstock. The second mill had
twenty stamps. During the time I wras superintendent I made
the heaviest single shipment from the Silver King; it consisted
of 22 bars of silver, valued at $70,000, the result of fifteen days’
run, besides concentrates to the value of as much or more than
the bullion shipped. The concentrates, usually, were worth
$2,000 per ton.

“The above is a correct history of the Silver King Mine,
which was a rich producer for a number of 3rears. The Silver
King Company was incorporated in San Francisco, under the
law's of the State of California; its capitalization being $500,000

INTERESTING REMINISCENCES

or 81,000,000. Among the incorporators were J. M. Barney,
Charlie Mason, Mr. Reagan and William Long. The mine was
worked to a depth of one thousand feet. It was closed down in
1886 because of the decline of silver and the. decrease in the
value of the ore. ”

Robberies and Murders

Arizona, up to 1885, was a wild country and robberies and
murders were frequent. Major Doran gave an account of some
of them in an interview with State Historian Thomas E. Farish
in 1916:

“In the year 1882, in the month of September, a stage
running from Bisbee to Tombstone, and into Tucson, w'as held
up below Tombstone on a trip from Tucson. This was com-
monly known as the Bisbee Robbery. Bob Paul, who was the
Wells-Fargo messenger, and had a shot-gun, exchanged places
with the driver, Philpot, who was carrying the gun and Bob
Paul was driving the team. The stage w*as attacked, Philpot
was killed and the treasure taken. Around the place of the
robbery were leaves from a book, and the officers hunted for
months to find that book, without success, this being the only
clue to the perpetrators of the robbery.

“On the 10th of August, following, occurred what became
known as the Riverside Robbery. The stage ran between
Florence and Globe and was held up about one-half mile from
Riverside; the treasure-box was robbed and Collins, the mes-
senger, was killed. The treasure-box wras opened and the treasure
taken out — about 81,000 in gold and S2,000 in silver. For some
time prior to this robbery there was a man in Florence knowm
as “Red Jack/’ whose true name was Jack Aimer. He was
watching outgoing stages and gave the tip to his accomplices
that on this stage was a considerable amount of treasure. I was
sheriff of Pinal County at the time. The two men committing
the robbery were a man by the name of Tuttle and one by the
name of Hensley. They took the treasure about 10 o’clock at
night and rode to Redfield’s Ranch, on the San Pedro River,
75 miles from the scene of the robbery and murder. On the way
to the ranch the two thousand dollars in silver, being very heavy
and inconvenient to carry, was cached in an arroya about thirty
miles from the scene of the robbery. These men were seen and
recognized as they were traveling on the road to Redfield’s
Ranch, where they arrived on the following morning. Hensley,
after resting during the day, struck off into the Rincon Moun-
tains, where he was later joined by Alinar. Tuttle remained
on the ranch, which was his home. On the day after their arrival

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

at the Redfield Ranch I arrived with a posse, and having gathered
conclusive evidence that Hensley and Tuttle had committed the
robbery, and having found on the ranch the shot-gun which
Tuttle had used in killing Collins, the messenger, and also a
mail sack which had been carried off, I arrested both Tuttle
and Redfield and carried them to Florence. The chain of evi-
dence was now complete, and when confronted with it Tuttle
made a full confession of everything, showing that Redfield
who was a man of wealth and position, had planned the robberv
and had given Tuttle and Hensley a hatchet to be used in
opening the treasure-box, telling them how to do it and what
disposition to make of the hatchet, which was to throw it away
as far as they could. Tuttle also said that Redfield had planned
other robberies and was acting as a protection to the criminals
dividing the spoils at his ranch. Under guard, Tuttle was taken
to where the silver was cached and it was recovered. I made a
thorough search of Redfield’s Ranch, which was a small adobe
building, with strong vegas and a dirt roof. In the center of the
building was a post running up to the roof, apparently to support
the vegas. It occurred to me that this post was unnecessary
and I removed it. It set upon a board about twelve or fourteen
inches wide and two feet long. I removed this board and under-
neath it, buried in the dirt floor, was a box containing $14,000
m money, supposed to be the money taken from the stage at the
time of the Bisbee robbery, mentioned above. I also found the
book from which the leaves were torn and scattered around the
place where the Bisbee robbery occurred. After the incarcera-
tion of the prisoners in Florence a vigilance committee, composed
of some of the leading citizens of Florence, was organized to take
the prisoners out of my possession and hang them. I doubled the
guard at the jail when I learned the intention of the committee,
and went to some of the leaders and told them that I had ample
evidence to convict the men and that my duty as an officer was
to protect them, and that they could not secure these men except
over my dead body, and that in the fight some of them would
be killed, and that one thing was certain — I could rely on the
fidelity of mv guards and that as far as I was concerned as an
officer of the law, I had my duty to perform. The leaders
contended that Redfield being a rich man, would have a trial
m some other county and would escape just punishment. I gave
them assurance that the men should not be taken from my
possession. JTiey replied that with my assurance to that effect
they would not attempt to force the jail, but would let the law
take its course. About ten days later Major Evans, the deputy •

INTERESTING REMINISCENCES

United States marshal, and known as a determined, fearless man
appeared on the scene with a posse of nine men — noted gun-men
—with an order from Judge Pinney, the chief justice of the
territory, to deliver Redfield. I was ordered to deliver the men
mto the custody of the marshal. This request I refused to obey.
Evans threatened to take them by force and then I summoned
the citizens of the town to guard the jail and to assist me in
holding the pnsoners. The citizens came in and the bodies of
Red field and Tuttle were found suspended in the jail from the
floor beams above. I then told the marshal that I had recon-
sidered my action and that he could have the man, Redfield.
I conducted Marshal Evans to the jail, opened the door and
found both men lifeless, as above stated. Evans then said he
did not want Redfield. I then requested Evans to do me a favor
by making a return on the court order saying that I had offered
to deliveT the body of Redfield, which he did. “Now,” said I
go to the judge and tell him what has occurred; tell him that I
positively refused to obey his order and everything connected
with it, as far as you know. Some time after I received a citation
from Judge Pinney to appear in Phoenix to show cause why I
should not be punished for contempt of court. I went and had
an interview with the judge. I showed him Tuttle’s con-
fession; showed him the evidence which I had obtained in
reference to the robbery; showing conclusively that Redfield
had planned the robbery; had received the money, and that
1 uttle had done the shooting. The judge studied a few moments
and said: Mr. Sheriff, go home and attend to your duties;

when l want you for contempt of court I will send for vou ”
As above stated. Aimer joined Hensley in the Rincon Mountains,
one of the roughest ranges in Arizona. I went to the Rincons
with a posse, being joined by Sheriff Bob Paul, of Pima County,
with another posse. We chased the criminals for several days
rough the mountains and at times exchanged shots with them,
ley were finally starved out and made a break to cross the
Sulphur Springs Valley to Willcox. On their way across the
valley they came upon a freighter’s camp, from whom thev
demanded food. The freighter’s name was Moore, who knew
of the robbery and that these men were wanted. He told them
to come back in a few moments and he would put a lot of grub
in the tail-end of his rear wagon and thev could go and take it,
so he would not see them and, therefore, not be made liable for
harboring criminals. Moore put the food in the tail-end of his
wagon, as he said, and hid himself and drivers in an abandoned
adobe house near the road. When the robbers came for the

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

food Moore and his party opened fire upon them. They ran
into an arroyo, followed by Moore and his drivers, when both
were killed. ”

Major Doran tells of a very interesting and exciting ex-
penence with a stage robber, after he had retired from the office
of sheriff.

The story follows:

. Having occasion to visit Florence on business, connected
with the court, and having transacted the business, I boarded
the stage running between Florence and Casa Grande, a distance
of twenty-six miles. Midway on the stage journey, with myself
as the only passenger on the stage, the stage was held up by a
lone horseman. T wras ordered to give up my monev and wh^t-
ever I had, which I did at the point of a pistol. After robbing
me the man turned and robbed the driver of a like amount of
money, getting exactly two dollars from each of us. He then
turned to the driver, with pistol pointed at him, ordered him to
throw out the mail sack, which was unhesitatingly done, the
mail sack alighting on the ground close to the front wheel of the
stage. He then ordered me to open the mail sack, which I did
after some dilatory objections. I told him that I could not open
the sack, as I had no key and did not want to open the govern-
ment mail, as it might cause serious trouble for me. The man
said: \ou have a knife, haven’t you?” I said: “Yes ” and

he then said: “Take your knife and open it.” I then cut the
sack open with my knife, all the time getting a little closer to
him. ihe man was on one side of the sack with his pistol drawn

P?,’ I1111 -hls ,finSer °.n the triSger, and I made a calculation
that if the pistol was discharged the bullet would strike me in
the breast. I got the mail sack and doubled up my knife to put
it in my pocket, when the robber took it away froin me. “ Now ”
e said, empty the sack, ” which I did and the contents fell in a
heap on the ground between us. He swore at me and said:

I don t see any money in that.” “No,” I said, “I don’t see
ei^er and I don’t believe there is any money in it.”
All this time I was getting a little closer to the robber. ‘ At last
with my foot I spread the mail out on the ground, concluding
that the robber would look down to see what was uncovered,
ihe robber did as I supposed he w'ould, when I made a grab for
his gun and a fight commenced for its possession between the
robber and myself. I was quick in throwing the gun to one side,
so that if it went off it w'ould not hurt me, the horses or the

dnwu* r „ Ied„t? the drivef> sa3'ing “come quick for we have
got this fellow',' but the driver did not come, but left me to

INTERESTING REMINISCENCES

fight alone with the robber. Finally the robber got possession of
his pistol and ran away about two rods and threatened to kill
me, which he could have done had he not changed his mind and
put his pistol in the holster, jumped on his horse and rode away
across the plains. I then gathered up the mail, put it in the sack
and took it under my supervision and delivered it to the post-
master at Casa Grande. I gave the alarm and the officers, a
deputy-United States marshal and a man who later developed
into a noted outlaw, went after the robber and picked him up in
a couple of days. He was brought back to Florence, where
court was in session, and in seven days from the time of the
attempted . robbery he was on his way to Alcatraz Island, in
San Francisco Harbor, with a life sentence. He served about
ten years, having in the meantime been transferred to San
Quentin Prison. I concluded he had been punished enough, and
being in Washington, I went to the president and asked him to
take such action in the case as he deemed best. The president
sent his application for pardon to the judge who tried him, and
to the United States attorney who prosecuted him, through the
Department of Justice, saying if they would recommend it,
that he would act as I had requested, which he did, commuting
the sentence to twelve years of actual service. I met the robber
in Los Angeles, after his release from prison, and had dinner
with him, when we talked over our fight on the desert. The
robber afterwards became a lieutenant-colonel in the federal
army in Mexico.”

Note. — At the time Major Doran was elected sheriff of
Pinal County, that county was in bad shape; the whiskey men,
gamblers and rough element were running the county, and under
the administration of a former sheriff conditions had drifted
from bad to worse, until, for self-protection, the decent element
of the county organized to bring about a change, regardless of
politics. Doran, who, as manager of the Silver King Mine, had
displayed great courage and determination in ridding the camp
of those who, as miners, were stealing the ore, was urged to
become a candidate for sheriff. He consented, and although
he was a republican and the county strongly democratic, he was
elected as a reform officer.

Major Doran was commissioner from Pinal County to the
New Orleans Cotton Exposition in 1886, and was later named
as president of the Arizona Fair Commission at the St. Louis
Exposition in 1894, being on the ground during the entire
exposition.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

In the 24th Territorial Legislature Major Doran introduced
a bill for the creation of a pioneer’s home for the Territory of
Arizona, where pioneers in their declining years could be properly
cared for, at the expense of the territory. This bill was passed
by the legislature, unanimously, but did not receive the approval
of the governor. In the 25th Territorial Legislature this pioneer
home bill was re-introduced by George Morris, of Yavapai
County, and was passed. Major Doran built the Pioneers’
Home at Prescott and was its first superintendent. He died
at the home.

Note. — Mr. Reagan, who was one of the owners of the
Silver King Mine, as above stated, in 1884, after the discovery
of the mine, before it became an active producer, was a hotel
keeper in Florence and attached to the hotel was a bar. Reagan
had an altercation with a man, a discharged soldier, who became
very abusive and threatening, when Reagan drew a knife and
stabbed him to death. Reagan then made the coffin for his
victim, and being a Campbellite preacher, officiated at the
funeral; delivering the sermon; leading in prayer and the general
services.

FIRST COURT IN GRAHAM COUNTY

FIRST TERM DISTRICT COURT HELD
IN GRAHAM COUNTY

(By Geo. H. Kelly, State Historian)

On the 5th day of November, 1883, the first term of the
district court ever held in Graham County was called to order
by Honorable A. W. Sheldon, associate justice, presiding. The
county had been created by the Legislature in the earlv part of
1881, more than two years before the first term of Court was held.
When the county was created, Judge W. H. Stillwell, now de-
ceased, was on the bench and he made a trip to the county and
installed E. D. Tuttle, of Salford, as clerk of the district court,
but Judge Stillwell never held a term of court there. The
members of the Grand Jur\^ who served the first term were
E. B. Frink, Anthony Wright, W. B. McCormick, Peter Moore,
Wm. Finley, Edward Merry, T. J. Neese, C. E. Stevens, D. H.
Bass, H. C. Hooker, J. H. Norton, F. A. Kleinsteuber, Benton
Jones, M. L. Wood, W. A. Bonnell, G. M. Bonnell, Robert
Hutchinson, Albert Frye, E. A. Jones, J. M. McCormick,
Cornelius Keleher, John Collins, D. L. Sayer.

H. C. Hooker was made foreman of the grand jury. Mr.
Hooker was the founder of the Sierra Bonita cattle ranch in
the southern part of Graham County, twenty-two miles north
of Willcox. This ranch was one of the best known in Southern
Arizona at that time, where Colonel Hooker took great pride in
raising the best breed of cattle and horses. He moved with his
family to Los Angeles in the latter 90’s, and built him a splendid
home on W est Adams street in the coast city, where he died some
seventeen years ago. Strange to say, and for no known reason,
Colonel Hooker never visited Solomonville after the term of
court during which he served as foreman of the grand jury,
although he continued to be one of the heaviest tax payers in
the county and his original ranch holdings vet constitute an
important property interest in that county, his sons, Edward
and Joe Hooker, having continued in the cattle business.

Colonel James A. Zabriskie of Tucson was appointed by the
court as counsel for the Mexican prisoners who were without
counsel, of which there were many.

Honorable Ben H. Hereford, of Tucson, had the honor of
making the first motion before the District Court of Graham
County. He moved that Mr. Wm. Finley, of Clifton, be ad-
mitted to practice, on affidavit that he had been admitted to

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

practice in the Supreme Court of Illinois. Ben Hereford was a
Tucson pioneer and one of the prominent Arizona attorneys of
that day. hie was the father of the late Honorable Frank H.
Hereford, for many years a prominent Tucson citizen and widely
known as an attorney.

Edward D. Tuttle was clerk of the court.

Pedro Michelena was sworn as Spanish interpreter for the
term and allowed $5 per day.

The grand jury returned 35 indictments and ignored 44
cases. The indictments found were for murder 10; burglary 1;
assault to do harm 2; assault and battery 1; negligently allowing
prisoner to escape 2; robbery 1; assault with intent to commit
murder 3; robbery by force and intimidation 1 ; grand larceny 1 1 ;
voluntary escape of prisoners 2; assault with deadly weapon 1.

The grand jury examined the various county offices, finding
them all well kept. They found that the debt of the county had
already grown to the sum of $23,978. For the previous year
$17,276 was collected from property tax.

The grand jury did not mince matters, and things they
found which were detrimental to the county were made public
and remedy suggested, as will be seen by the following extracts
from their reports:

“The attention of this grand jury has been very forcibly
called to the negligence of our present District Attorney, A. M.
Patterson, through his failure to perform his official duties in a
proper manner, thereby increasing to a considerable extent the
expense of this term of court, impeding thereby the due course
of justice and the prosecution of crime. We further desire to
condemn in the strongest terms the employment by A. M.
Patterson during his recent absence from the county of an
unreliable and unworthy assistant district attorney in the
person of R. F. Hughson. We suggest the propriety of Mr.
Patterson tendering his resignation as District Attorney in
this county.

“It is the opinion of the grand jury that crimes have been
committed, in which witnesses summoned before this body have
failed to give proper testimony, but whether through fear or on
account of being accomplices is to this grand jury unknown.
We also find that several highway robberies have been committed
upon the Clifton & Lordsburg stage road, and that in but one
instance has the property of the stage company been molested,
although the coaches have been several times stopped, an
unusual occurrence, and unaccounted for by this grand jury.

FIRST COURT IN GRAHAM COUNTY

“It is the opinion of the grand jury that in and about the
Coronado ranch, also the ranches of Sixto Garcia and Jas.
Hoxie, there has been and now is a resort of outlaws of every
grade, where stolen property of every kind is concealed from its
rightful owners, and where supplies are furnished to these
outlaws by parties to this grand jur}' unknown."

Of the members of this first grand jury in Graham County
only one or two are yet living. These are Charles E. Stevens
who was one of the early pioneer prospectors in the Clifton
district. He was a brother of the late I. N. Stevens who died
last year. They were in the first party of white men that visited
that district and located claims, coming there from Silver City,
New Mexico.

M. L. Wood is now a resident of Los Angeles. He was a
pioneer in the vicinit}' of Fort Grant, where he resided for more
than forty years. In the early days Wood was a prominent
government contractor and supplied hay, grain and beef to the
Fort Grant military post. He served as justice of the peace at
Fort Grant for many years.

D. L. Sayer, who was editor of the Clifton Clarion when the
first grand jury met, is believed to be still living and publishing
a paper somewhere in California.

The county officers of Graham County, at the time of the
first court term, had been elected in 1882 at the first election
ever held in Graham County, were as follows:

Councilman, P. J. Bolan; Assemblyman, Adolph Solomon;
Probate Judge, G. H. Hyatt; Clerk, T. E. Reymert; Sheriff, Geo.
H. Stevens; Recorder, Pablo Salcido; Deputy Recorder, P. J.
Bolan; Treasurer, I. E. Solomon; Deputy Treasurer, W. S.
Martin; District Attorney, A. M. Patterson; Public Adminis-
trator and Coroner, Dan Ming; County Surveyor, J. D. Holla-
dav; Board of Supervisors, S. W. Pomeroy, I. N. Stevens and
A. M. Franklin; Clerk of the Board, J. T. Fitzgerald.

P. J. Bolan died in California several years ago, where he
had gone with his wife and purchased a rooming house at Re-
dondo Beach. His death was a tragic one and brought on by his
falling down the back stairs of the lodging house and breaking
his neck. Bolan was one of the best known attorneys and
politicians in Arizona during the 80’s. He originally was a
resident of Phoenix where he practiced law. In 1880 he was a
member of the legislature from Maricopa County and was one
of the men that stood sponsor for the creation of Graham
County by the Legislature in 1881. He immediately took up
his residence in the new county where he afterwards served in

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

many positions including deputyships in various offices MP

£rL5sr?„^‘m *nd c«"“ - * w*

Boide"1’ AdoW ^erChantS and S°VCrnment c°ntractors at
u W 6' u l° P h dcd some seventeen years ago in San Francisco
where he had resided several years previous. I. E. Solomon

rcfirpri*3** the first,county treasurer of Graham County now

imnvvccrsTh residl,ng ln Los Angeles, California. He Was for
manj 3 ears the most prominent merchant and business man in

?ouXmtSaZ%: never held any office after the one te™ -

Coun^v0'h^SwenS’ 'vh°lWaS the first elected sheriff of Graham
s,™h !i br a Pember of,tlle territorial council in 1881,
tervmg from Pima County which formerly included all of
Graham County south of the Gila River. Stevens was promi-
nent m politics and probably was as well known in Arizona as

several SninDth J1® rePresented Graham Countv

seveial t mes in the council and was finally appointed on the

lefTth^territe11 b°a/|d’ °f .wPch he was made treasurer. He
miLionert PnPr’ 'v.lthouvt blddlng goodby to his fellow com-
She had Pie PnS°n b°f dand afterwards it was discovered
m tonW a"„ay Wlth blm several thousand dollars of the
territory smonea-. He went into the Yukon countrv where he

hoTffiaethPpTDpPea/S’ finaIly returning to San Diego, Cal-
intimate fHpn ^ died four years ago. Stevens was known to
mtimate friends throughout the territory as “Little Steve”

man whPwaf fover"or®biP of C. Meyer Zulick there was no

the imvernr, *,S cfl?sor t° the executive or had more influence in
the governor s office than Stevens.

outlaw «n HSdlcid° W.as kj.lll;d by Augustin Chacon, a Mexican
desired P, desPerado. Salcido was assisting the officers who
rno n liP: t f Cha?on- Chacon had taken a post on the
lieml Zt l aboye Morenci, behind some rocks. Salcido be-
harmsnrf P'VT1 fr*endship for Chacon would shield him from
Ch-Pon ell tartfc l!rPhe niountain to have a talk with Chacon,
him whpn h"e? r? CK 0 advance to within about fiftv feet of
d^lberatel>; ra,sed ^om behind a rock and shot
Salcido " C ^ laC0n aft™ds was hung for the murder of

Pubbc administrator and coroner of

to tha^ ti^Un^ln }^hh[id been a government scout previous
• * fter that he located a cattle ranch in the Aravaipa

FIRST COURT IN GRAHAM COUNTY

canyon where he resided and was prosperous until the Spanish
American War when he went with the government in charge of
a pack train to the Philippine Islands. He had served under
Captain Lawton, who was prominent in the capture of Geronimo
and he accompanied Captain Lawton to the Philippine Islands.
Lawton was killed in the Philippines and Ming remained there
for several years thereafter. He returned to Arizona during the
World War and had charge of the pack trains at Fort Huachuca,
from whence he went with the Pershing Expedition into Mexico
after Pancho Villa had made the raid on Columbus, New Mexico.
Ming died some two years ago at Presidio, California, where he
was still in service in the military arm of the government’

A. M. Franklin, who was a member of the first board of
supervisors in Graham County, is now7 a resident of Tucson and
is engaged in the real estate and insurance business.

E. D. Tuttle, who was clerk of the court of Graham County
in 1883, died recently in Los Angeles where he had resided for
the past twenty years. Judge Tuttle, as he was always known,
was a member of the first Arizona territorial legislature, having
been elected as a member of that body from Mohave County.
He was at that time a lieutenant in the United States Army,
stationed at Fort Mohave. After his election to the Legislature
he secured a leave of absence during the forty-four days of the
session. Judge Tuttle was one of the first settlers in Safford,
the present county seat of Graham County, he converting a
homestead entry into the original Safford townsite. During his
long residence in Graham County he filled many positions of
public trust and was ever regarded as one of the most efficient
public officers who ever did serve in the state of Arizona.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

INCIDENTS OF BUILDING A RAILROAD—
BOWIE TO GLOBE

(By Geo. H. Kelly — written in 1898)

TEe Gila \ alley, Globe & Northern Railway was built bv
William Garland, now of Los Angeles, California. Very little
preliminary preparation had been done, such as sounding the
various towns and communities for subsidies or aid and encour-
agement. Mr. Garland and his secretary established head-
quarters at Bowie, and actually began grading for terminal
switches and side tracks before a great many residents along its
route through the Gila Valley knew anything about the proposed
new railroad. The necessity for such a line had long been reo-
ogmzed at Globe and in the Gila Valley, in Graham Countv a^
a means of stimulating the mining industry in the Globe district
and adding to its profit by removing the inconvenience and
heavy cost of the long freight haul from Wilcox and Bowie, on
the Southern Pacific Railroad a distance of 125 miles.

Following the arrival of Mr. Garland at Bowie soon came
grading outfits and material for the road and construction work
was started. This work proceeded without special incident
through the year 1894, and early in the year 1895 the track had
been laid as far as Pima.

Of course there had been the usual work of negotiating for
and securing rights-of-way for the railroad through the culti-
vated area of the Gila Valley through which the survey passed.
One right-of-way incident I shall relate here because of the
unusual method adopted by one Patrick Sullivan to bring the
railroad company to a settlement on his right-of-wav claim for
damage done to a tract of land owned bv him:

ionC°nuMonfay morninS> the first in the month of Februarv,
1895, when the tram from Bowie arrived at the tract of land
owned by Mr. Sullivan, it was discovered that Sullivan had built
a board shanty across the railroad track and put a wire fence
across the track on the line of his land, about twenty feet from
the shanty. Mr. Sullivan and his wife had taken up a position
between the wire fence and the improvised house where, with
guns, they awaited the coming of the iron horse.

On the arrival of the train a good manv neighbors of the
Sullivans had gathered to see the result of the impending con-
mct at kort Sullivan.” The train came to a stop a short
distance from the wire fence in front of the bailiwick of Mr.

INCIDENTS OF BUILDING GLOBE RAILROAD

Sullivan. Mr. Garland, president of the road, was aboard and
he alighted from the train, went forward and began to loosen the
wire fence. At this time Sullivan leveled a double-barreled
shot gun at Garland and ordered him to keep hands off his
property. Garland after looking for a short moment into the
mouth of the ugly weapon, returned to the train and caused it to
be backed to Solomonville where he swore out a warrant for
Sullivan, who was arrested by the sheriff and brought before
Justice of the Peace, W. J. Parks. Sullivan was released on
bond, but while he was detained in court Garland and his
train crew razed “Fort Sullivan” from the railroad track and
proceeded with the train to the end of the track, near Pima.

On Tuesday' morning, when the train again arrived from
Bowie, it was found that “Fort Sullivan” was again an obstruc-
tion to undisturbed progress, the garrison showing as much de-
termination as on the day before, but the sheriff being present
no hostilities occurred and the trainmen soon razed the shanty.

This, it was thought, would end the trouble until the court
docket was adorned with sundry damage suits, pro and con.
But it was not to be so and when the train arrived Wednesday
“Fort Sullivan” again loomed up to bar its passage. Mr.
Garland was on board and again he went to Solomonville and
procured warrants for Mr. Sullivan and also his wife. The
officers and train arrived at the seat of war about three o’clock
where a great crowd had assembled to see the outcome of this
second engagement. Sullivan and his wife stood just inside the
improvised wire fence and when Sheriff Wight read the warrant
Sullivan said he would not go unless he was literally carried
off his land by the officers. This was a ridiculous proposition.
It placed Sullivan in the position of resisting an officer, and
when his attention was called to that fact he became more
reasonable and allowed the sheriff to lead him gently away, as
did Mrs. Sullivan. The belligerents out of the way, the house
was again torn down by the trainmen and the train proceeded
to Pima. Mr. and Mrs. Sullivan were taken to Solomonville
again and gave bonds for their appearance in court.

There were two sides to this controversy'. On the one hand
Mr. Sullivan claimed that the railroad company went on his
land without permission ; that he promised to give the right-of-
way if the road ran straight on the south line. He was away in
California when the graders reached his land, when instead of
building on the line, as agreed, they made a curve through the
160-acre tract, greatly to his damage and inconvenience. He
claimed that he had done all in his power to secure recompense

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

for the damage done to his land. He says his letters to the
company remained unanswered. Garland's claim was that
bullnan demanded unreasonable pay for the right-of-way.

„ . This ended hostilities over the right-of-way, Sullivan being
restrained by a court injunction from further interference with
the operation of the railroad.

The criminal cases were dismissed, and on a trial of the
injunction case Sullivan was awarded damages, not as much as
to paylmed’ but more tllaD Garland thought he ought to have

More Right-of-Way Trouble

_ Ge«ing f right-of-way from Patrick Sullivan was easy
compared to the trouble encountered by Mr. Garland when he
asked for permission to build his railroad across the possession
?L °’ p Redman’ then located on the San Carlos Indian
ruAn construction neared the reservation, Hon.
He zona representative in Congress, secured

the Pas-a^e of a bill through Congress granting a right-of-wav
through the San Carlos Indian Reservation. The measure
passed both house and senate by unanimous vote, but when it
was presented to President Cleveland it w-as vetoed with the

in “ r WOfl d "ot be approved until a clause had been
included providing for the Indians on the reservation giving

domain00 Thl °n the buildinS °f ** railroad through^
th? • 7hf b* . ,was S0 changed and re-passed and signed bv
the president Afterwards this law w-as interpreted bv the

fnHi!tarJ °f th<3 Jnt,enoE to mean that the consent of all the
Thl l/n "ES rfcJ“lred- Here was an insurmountable obstacle,
nloted nP*fSCd C°ng?-SS 1"the -vear !S0o. The road was com-

Geronimn refervatlon llnc a?d a terminal town known as
Geronimo was of some commercial importance for three years

A good many white men, who had friends and influence

a ranread“°hofldthe d,ndla“ leaders> at once began to prepare for
wav InU \tr pd"T I1? the matter of the reservation right-of-
waj, but Mr Garland foresaw the futility of going against such

favoraH J7nrb e fco"dl.tlon and Patiently waited for a more
0r °f affalrS,’ whlch came as a result of the election
dL-idedKtwynaS Presldont-L The McKinley administration
aohed« Vth?l.rai r<^d , nKht-°f-way bill for the Gila Valley,

0f a mVoWt>' ft liCrDr Ra,hva-v onI-v required that the consent
of a majority of the Indians on the reservation should be given.

<?an r ,l,=h°rt tlnlei T'cutenant Sedgwick Rice, Indian agent at

handle d m!re1V rmStrU-Ctl0nS from Wa®hington as to how to
handle the matter of securing an expression from the Indians as

INCIDENTS OF BUILDING GLOBE RAILROAD

desires concerning the building of the railroad through
their domain In the meantime, Mr. Garland had been creating
favorable sentiment for his road through a number of civilian
,'y 'lt? I??n’ wl?° had extended acquaintance and influence among

Stoli UJdlng J5nwS £te™ns’ of the Indian Traders’

scout! 1 S Carlos’ and W- °- Tuttle, a former government

ea.thpr Ric®, S&\ a da>! when the Indians should

ThkXtPuac o'!10® ,inC y,ot® 011 the «ght-of-way proposition.
V.Vp p j as,°n Tuesday, February 9, 1898. President Garland,

\ ice-President E. A. Cutter, of the new railroad, Wm. Hood
chief engineer of the Southern Pacific, and the writer of this
«an° riw edltQF °j the, graham County Bulletin, arrived in
election °S °n °Unday 1Jefore tne day for the right-of-way

Indians Have Great Feast

Indians were already arriving at the agency on Sundav
and on Monday they came from every direction, in carts, wao-omf

antrrn!'r?baCfk a+nd °n f°°r- President Garland had provided for
•f a d ®nlertainment for the Redman, his family, and his

^ S and hls c,°“s,as and aunts. Beef, flour, beans, lard,
sugar, coffee and tobacco were without price, and given freely
‘l e|Ildla“3: Such a feast had never before been provided for

been norsuchlince Car'°S Reser''ation- and ‘here has

Soon the mesa northwest of the agency buildings was
covered with Indians gathered around camp-fires where the
sguans were cooking according to Indian fashion. Monday

thf eamn fi™06 A A large space was cleared between

contim^d"fith«; d I -’0 aIency- and "hile the older squaws

bucks devothpH tK0?klng the y0l!!lgcr ones- with the Indian
bucks, devoted their energies to “tripping the light fantastic

on a rod t !Jer, uf ,V'e ol(ler men Provided music by beating

drum Thpeftret0hCd °?r,tl? pans and sounding like a muffled
druni The dance consisted of moving backwards and forwards

“ Sets ”"nf f ' te“ fCetf°r mjre t0 the time of the crude music,
bets of four were formed, two bucks and two squaws the

tibn so whon °*f "'ay and th° bu°ks facing the opp°site direc-
he,n th« was moving forward the buck was

inThe lfne kWard v,ee'versa>' s<Blaws and bucks alternated

dancing, cooking and eating lasted till near daylight
I uesdav morning. Many of the civil employes of the agency
and several visiting whites took part in the' dance; all of the

■

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

visitors no doubt would have done so had they received an
invitation. The squaws chose their own partners and anyone
not in their favor was shut out.

Chauncey Depew, the great after dinner speaker, said once
that he never felt more agreeable or in better humor than just
after being well-fed, and President Garland, of the railroad,
no doubt concluded that he could find no better way to gain the
good will of the Indians than by feeding them. To make success
doubly sure, he caused to be distributed another “ration” of
good things at Tuesday noon.

In the afternoon all arrangements were ready for taking
the vote “yes” or “no” on the proposition to grant the railroad
right-of-way.

Lieutenant Rice, as agent, through his interpreters, explained
the details of the proposition and several tribal chiefs spoke.
Among these were Chil-chu-ana, chief of the Tonto tribe; Saba
Mucha, Antonio Nal-goda and Bailish. The latter was regarded
as one of the shrewdest Indians on the reservation and did most
of the talking. He told of trips he and Chil-chu-ana had made to
Washington, where he declared he saw rich Indians buying whis-
key by the drink like gentlemen; and a great mill which ground
out money by the bushel and said he did not think money was
as scarce with white men as Mr. Garland would have the San
Carlos Indians believe. Then Lieutenant Rice fully explained
the right-of-way proposition to be voted on, and the various
chiefs marched their tribes in front of the council table where
they answered in response to the call of their names. The
voting lasted for two hours and of all present there was only
one “no” recorded, showing that Garland and his campaign
managers had been successful in their work.

Immediately after the voting, Lieutenant Rice called all
the chiefs into council with President Garland to fix the amount
of compensation to be paid for the right-of-way. Garland
offered S6,000; the chiefs demanded $10,000. $8,000 was agreed
upon. As finally settled, the right-of-way was secured by the
railroad on the following terms:

1. The Indians to receive $8,000 as a tribe.

2. They to receive, in addition to the tribal money, pay
for all improved land taken and pay for all damages to buildings,
fences, roads and ditches; these amounts to be adjusted by the
agent and the individual owners.

3. The Indians to have the privilege of riding free over the
road for a period of thirty years.

Mr. Garland lost no time in starting construction work

INCIDENTS OF BUILDING GLOBE RAILROAD

through the Indian reservation and trains were seen running to
Globe in less than one year from the date on which the right-of-
way agreement was reached with the Indians, but three years
later than it would have been had Mr. Garland not encountered
the delay caused by his being barred from crossing the San
Carlos Indian Reservation.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

KILLING OF JUDGE AND MRS. McCOMAS

By Anton Mazzanovich
926 Seward Street, Los Angeles
(Author of “Trailing Geronimo,” and
“True Stories of the Southwest. ”)

In the spring of 1883 all the Apaches remaining on the
reservation went out on the warpath. Geronimo, with part of
his band, was m Sonora. General Crook was there, but was
unable to round him up. Geronimo sent several bucks over the

f’ the Sa? Carlos Reservation and induced the

rest of the tribe to start for the Mexican border, killing people
as they advanced towards the line. ' 1 "

About that time in 1883, Judge McComas started to drive
from Sliver City, New Mexico, en route to Leitendorf, a small
mining camp near Lordsburg. The route offered much scenic
charm, lying through the Burro Mountains. He was accom-
panied by his wife and six-year-old son, Charley. For them the
trip was intended as a pleasant outing. The night of March 27
was passed at a resort called Mountain Home, an attractive
spot about half way between Silver City and Lordsburg.

,, .■ t-eavmg t he Mountain Home on the morning of March 28,

the judge had driven about ten miles to the point where Thomp-
son s Canyon hit the trail.

Here he was overtaken by one of the bands of Chiri-
cahua Apaches, variously stated to number from ten to twentv
warriors under the leadership of one Chatto, a sub-chief under

tUh fnd GcronlIPO. That this unhappy encounter was
purely by chance may be inferred from the fact that, had the
ndians been waylaying the road in wait for victims, the canvon
three or four miles back into the mountains is very precipitous,

‘dea ,p aCCiS for ambuscade. This particular band
evidently was traveling towards a previously agreed upon
rendezvous m the Sierra Madre Mountains in' Mexico? where

<.<3 r th^y "frC capt,urcd tro°Ps under command of
General George Crook, called the “Grey Wolf” bv the Indians.
Ihe judge and his wife were murdered on the spot, and the little
™ ^ k iy’ CSr7°d lnf° c,aptivity. Their bodies were dis-

SUvtr P ty v® Bvr°r: whoITdrove the stage from Lordsburg to
Silver City , New Mexico. He made all haste to the nearest cow

throughout1 the^valley UnerS WMC Sent °Ut *° Spread the aIarul

r i

- ' -

KILLING OF JUDGE MCCOMAS AND WIFE

Posses for pursuit, and the recovery of the bodies were
arranged as soon as the news of the killing reached Lordsburg.
Captain William Black, of New Mexico Rangers, detailed B. B.
Owmby and George Parks and several more men to proceed
to where the judge and his wife were killed, also to pick up
the trail. The bodies of the judge and his wife were stripped of
everything, but contrary to the barbarous practices of the
Apaches, they were but slightly mutilated. The fact that the
assault was made upon a well travelled highway, where dis-
covery was imminent at any moment, may account for this
From the mute remains of this sad tragedy, the details
could be reconstructed with approximate accuracy. The body
Jlidge was. f<?und behind a small clump of bushes, about
seventy-five yards beyond the point at which the blackboard in
which they were travelling was found— turned in the opposite
direction. This would indicate that upon being attacked the
judge turned the team and leaped to the ground, in the forlorn

hi?wifpapnifl inig lt bei?blj S° t0 engage the cruel Apaches that
K f i,p 'i eSC?Pu- bz dnvlng on the back-track. Between
the buckboard and his body were found three exploded shells

rifled MoXf is7r botUe'?ec.k” cartridge used in Winchester
rifles, Model 1876, now obsolete. Four more shells were found

near his body, showing that he made a running fight to the cover
he sought. Meanwhile, the buckboard had proceeded about
fi% yards from its turning point, when one of the horses was
slain, whereupon the frantic mother, taking the boy in her arms

thirtvPvcrd,° fCape(tby Klm?ing af,00t She was overtaken about
thirty jards from the buckboard and her skull crushed bv a

!d°"; ^0,Ii tb® butt of a rifle or the stock of an army Colt. Her
body disclosed no bullet wounds, whereas the judge was struck
seven tunes. I am sure that present day readers will shudder
after reading of this outrage, yet in those bygone days there
was a class of nuts back east who said that we of the south-
west were ill-treating the poor wards of our government and
insisted upon placing civilian agents in charge of the Indian
reservations _ I will flatly state that when Lilutenant Charles
B. Gatewood, Britton Davis and Captain Crawford were placed

the° Inchamf ent SuntCarIos and White Mountain reservations,
the Indians got what was coming to them on ration dav and

aiMdumbbcHsT? p?cefuJ- But iust as as the nuts
ai , dumbbells I nave mentioned got their wav thev tho

and ill-treated Indians, took to the warpath P°°r

No trace* nf hfp °iff my C,1rSt’ ®? wil1 continue with my storv.
Bo trace of the boy was found. The Indians proceeded in 'a

t i

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

southeasterly direction, crossing the tracks of the Southern
Pacific Railroad at a point a little west of Separ. Captain
Black had a hard job to mount his rangers, but finally rounded
up enough horses to mount his men. He cut the Indians trail
just south of Separ, and followed it for over twelve hours through
the western portion of the Animas Valley, but lost it when the
Indians scattered southward through the mountains.

There were twenty-one men in the posse under Captain
Black and First Lieutenant John R. Phillips and Second Lieu-
tenant T. A. Wood. I think they belonged to the Fourth
United States Cavalry. Lordsburg, Lightendorf and Shakespere
furnished the following named men: J. C. Bartlett, Johnny

O’Brien, George Sherrier, Neal McGinnes, Peter Irshum, William
and Tod Holmig, Rubin Hadden, Josh Ruthland, William
Knox, William Sterns, Frank Douglas, Gus Tompkins, James
Harper and Charles Thomas.

When the rangers got to Plays Valley, they were joined by
Davenport and one of the Whiteman brothers, of Lordsbur^
The rest were volunteers. R. B. Owmby and John Parks, with
their men, brought the bodies of Judge McComas and wife to
Lordsburg. They were sent to Fort Scott, Kansas, for interment.
Fort Scott was the home of Hon. Eugene F. Ware, prominent
politically and professionally, and Pension Commissioner under
the administration of President Roosevelt. Mrs. McComas was
his sistei . J he tragedy aroused universal indignation and regret
throughout the entire southwest, since the victims were promi-
nent in its professional and social life.

No tiace of little Charlie was ever found, although search
parties were organized. Photographs, with offers of a large
reward, were distributed throughout Southern New Mexico, Ari-
zona and the northern states of Mexico, but without results.

General Crook rounded up the Indians in the Sierra Madre
Mountains, of Sonora, in May of the same year. Geronimo and
Nana had a pow-wow with General Crook. They promised to
come back to the reservation. At that time I was chief of pack
train and scout at hort Grant, Arizona; was ordered to proceed
to the Mexican border with supplies. General Crook arrived at
the lme with all the Indians he had rounded up. The whole
outfit was held there by the Mexican Government, on account
of some stock the Indians had. I got there several days after
with supplies, and during the time I questioned a number of the
Indians, as well as my friend, Juh, sub-chief under Geronimo,
hope! ul of ascertaining some news of the whereabouts or of the
fate of Charley McComas. But none was forthcoming. The

CIIATTO

Apache Indian Kcnegade

KILLING OF JUDGE MCCOMAS AND WIFE

Indians professed ignorance of him. Subsequent information
gleaned from Indians in exile in Florida and North Carolina'
nKhcated that sparing his life was a passing whim, contrary to
all of their usual practices, and that as he became querulous on
the trail, while pursuit became vigorous, they killed him soon
after his capture.

lieutenant Britton Davis has the following to say regarding
Charley McComas fate: “When Lieutenant Gatewood and

ms company of Apache scouts jumped Bonita’s camp, in the
Sierra Madre at the time of General Crook’s expedition, the
1 t ^at ca,mp. But in the excitement of the fighting
the little fellow either wandered off and starved to death in the
mountains, or was killed by one of the squaws. The latter we
believe to have been the fate, as it was the practice amo^"
Indians. ” The writer obtained the following information from
an Indian scout: After killing Judge McComas and his wife the
small war party lost no time in getting across the border. They
were attacked by a detachment of Mexican troops. In their
rush to cover the boy commenced to cry, which angered one of
the bucks. He took him from the squaw, who had charge of the
little fellow, and killed him.

It was late in May when the command was allowed to hit
the trail for the San Carlos Reservation. Before we broke
camp on the morning of our departure, it was discovered that
Bana, one of the Indian chiefs, skipped by the light of the moon
with about twenty bucks. They must have made their getaway
in the early part of the night, thereby getting a good start
Scouting parties were sent out to pick up their trail as soon as
we found out that they were gone. Our start was delayed until
our scouts returned with the report that they could not locate
their trail, owning to the fact that they scattered, no doubt to
meet at a spot arranged by them before they started.

Our progress was slow, only making Lorn ten to fifteen

?‘*f P?,r jay- AheP camp for the night, the Indians built
nres and danced to the beating of their drums, up to the earlv
morning hours While in camp, all the chiefs were kept under
guard, our Indian scouts acting as the guardsmen. We arrived
“£rot0“ ln Sulphur Springs Valley, some twelve

miles east of Willcox, Arizona. John M. Wright, law partner
of Judge McComas, accompanied by the two grown-up sons of
e af ter, came to our camp, hopeful of ascertaining some news
of the whereabouts or fate of Charley, but were disappointed
However, some of the personal effects of the judge and his wife—
a watch, a pair of bracelets and other trinkets— were recovered

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

from the Indians, through the good offices and intervention of
A1 Sieber, noted chief of the White Mountain Apache scouts,
who led General Crook’s expedition into Mexico. I was in-
troduced to them. Later, the youngest of the two died at
Lordsburg, New Mexico. The other, Will McComas, is still
living. From that time we have been lifelong friends.

Croton Springs was about seven miles north of Fort Grant.
Everybody at the post, including the officers and their wives,
came to our camp. In fact, we had visitors from all parts of the
valley. For this occasion the Indians built a large bonfire.
They staged a wonderful dance. I don’t know what they called
it, but to my way of thinking it sounded to me like a war-dance.
Many squaws joined in. You would be astonished to witness
the antics performed by the warriors and young bucks. They
dashed in and out of the circle around the fire. The Indians
composing the circle danced continually, in perfect time to the
beating of tom-toms, chanting in high and low notes as they
danced. The wonderful feats of torture and endurance enacted
by the star performers were indeed interesting to everyone
present. Several bucks got tanked up on firewater, no doubt
given to them by some of the cowboy visitors from H. C. Hooker
and other nearby cow-ranches. They were rounded up by the
troopers and placed under guard. The dance lasted almost all
night, consequently we got a late start the following morning.
The whole outfit reached the San Carlos Indian Reservation
four days later.

When the Indians broke out again, in the spring of 1885,
the writer was in Lordsburg, New Mexico. I joined Captain
Black’s company and experienced some hard service in the
Animas Valley and the San Simon. I still have a voucher for
S36.50, issued to me by the adjutant general and signed bv
Governor Ross, of New Mexico, for service rendered. At the
time the territorial treasury was down to bedrock, hence the
voucher. And up to this date, neither the territory nor the
state has ever made good this obligation of forty-two years ago,
in spite of the fact that Governor Ross mailed to each one in
our company a circular letter advising us not to dispose of our
vouchers, as the territory would cancel the obligation as soon
as sufficient funds were available.

B. B. Owmby, John McCabe and John Muir, members of
Captain Black’s company, New Mexico Rangers, are still living
at Lordsburg, as well as Bill Blackburn, but I don’t remember
if he was a member of Captain Black’s company. The rest,
no doubt, have crossed over the long, dim trail from time to
time, since those stirring days of long ago.

[

KILLING OF JUDGE MCCOMAS AND WIFE

“Congress must be aroused to action by a public demand
for better army housing,” General Charles P. Summerall, Army
Chief of Staff, was quoted in the SAN DIEGO SUN, as declared
in a speech before the chamber of commerce. “We have the
makings of the finest army in the world. And we have treated
them disgracefully in this respect.” If the writer had occasion
to deliver an address, it would read as follows : “ We have always
had the finest army in the world, and we have treated the old
veterans disgracefully in regard to pensions. Particularly the
men who served on the frontier during our Indian wars. And
it is about time the government takes some action to reward this
class of men who helped to win this vast empire of the west
from hostile bands, both red and white, as in the case of the
Territory of New Mexico, mentioned in this story in regard to
vouchers sent to the members of the New Mexico Rangers.
Mind you, this handful of men had to furnish their supply, arms,
ammunition and mounts, and no doubt saved many lives, spread-
ing the alarm throughout the Animas Valley, New Mexico, and
the San Simon Flat, in Arizona. They were out June and July,
1885, and all they have as a reward for service so faithfully
performed to the present day are the vouchers for S36.50. When
the territory was admitted to the Union, all such claims were
outlawed. A compliment towards the hardy pioneers who made
it possible for the present generation to settle in this vast
empire of the west. There are some living who are entitled to
draw a pension under the Leatherwood Pension Act, but their
applications have been rejected by the pension office as no record
v\as kept bj the adjutant s office at Santa Fe. However, none
are available for the months of June and Julv, 1885.”

The writer came across the following, while reading “The
War Chief,” by Edgar Rice Burroughs, the noted author?

“Gerommo waited until the blue line was well within
range. Then the hostiles opened fire with all their rifles. A
few men fell. The command to charge was given and up the
slope the soldiers raced yelling. In twos and threes thev fell
beneath the withering fire of the hostiles. It was a useless
sacrifice, and the retreat was sounded.”

A sergeant, beneath a hail of lead, brought in a w’ounded
officer Twenty-five years later he was awarded a Congressional
Medal, which arrived in time to be pinned on his breast by an
attendant at the poorhouse, before he was buried in the potter’s
field. r

. There is yet time for our lawmakers to reward the men
living today, before they reach the poorhouse or potter’s field,
forgotten by Uncle Sam for doing their bit many years ago.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE THIRTEENTH ARIZONA TERRITORIAL
LEGISLATURE

In the year 1010, M. M. Rice, better known as “Mike”
Rice, to his numerous Arizona friends, wrote the following
account of the Session of the Thirteenth Legislature and in-
cidents connected therewith. Rice was a brilliant newspaper
man, and during the session was a reporter for the Prescott
Courier. The results attained by what was afterwards desig-
nated as the “Bloody Thirteenth” and the “Thieving Thir-
teenth,” brought rebuke from many in Arizona, because of its
extravagance, but it must be said that this session did much
which has since proved as greatly beneficial to Arizona. The
Thirteenth Legislature passed the bill appropriating the first
money for the Arizona University, at Tucson, and for the
Arizona Insane Asylum.

By M. M. Rice

The Thirteenth Legislative Assembly of the territory of
Arizona, held in Prescott in 1885, has been dubbed with many
ungracious names by thoughtless critics and commentators.
One of the pet appellations is the “thieving, bloody, fighting
Thirteenth.”

Much can be adduced for and against the body of solons
assembled on that auspicious occasion, to draft and insert in the
statute books, measures for the weal or woe of the common-
wealth of Arizona.

Many impediments prevailed ere members-elect assembled
together from their various constituencies, as transportation
was not so well perfected 25 years ago as it is today, and as
storms and washouts were the order of the day during that
eventful winter. Every possible method of transportation was
adopted to reach the capital.

Well does the scribe of these lines remember seeing one of
the prominent statesmen of old Pima County, emulating the
Man of Sorrow, by journeying into Prescott on the back of a
jackass.

The organization of both houses was an episode full of
strenuosity and holds the territorial record for endurance and
pugnacity.

The political and combative complication of both houses
was equally divided between the two parties. Thomas A.

THIRTEENTH TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE

Weed in of Pinal County was the caucus nominee of the Dem-
ocrats for the presidency of the council, and Dr. Frank Ains-
worth of Yavapai county the Republican standard-bearer.
Colonel John Dorrington 0f Yuma was temporary president, and
on the first ballot of 6 to 6 a battle was precipitated that lasted
for six days and away into many of the nights. Once during
balloting C. C. Stephens and Bob Leatherwood of Pima were
acting as tellers. Leatherwood, in the excitement of his grave
responsibility, forgot to cast his vote, and on the result being
announced Ainsworth, by all parliamentary rules, was elected
president; but the colonel would not permit a mean nor technical
advantage, and another ballot was ordered, resulting in the usual
tie. Many such instances, serious and humorous, transpired in
the council chamber during those six days.

Although the political pot ouobied uncompromitingL , the
best of goodfellowship prevailed, and organization was at last
accomplished through Weedin’s diplomacy in securing the
chairmanship of the most important committees, coupled with
a fair division of the clerical force, for himself and adherents,
by relinquishing claim to presidential honors to the physician
of Yavapai. Fay, the editor of the Flagstaff Champion, was
elected chief clerk.

The Democrats presented Levi Ruggles, who was elected
as an independent (although a dyed-in-the-wool Republican),
as their standard-bearer for speaker of the house; the Republi-
cans naming H. G. Rollins of Pima for that honor.

This brought about one of the bitterest contests in the
annals of Arizona Legislatures.

Bartering Votes

Sam Purdy of Yuma forced the endorsement of Ruggles in
the Democratic caucus, and loyally the Democrats supported
their nominee through a battle lasting 12 days. If the inside
history of this issue were published, many men whose heads
were held high, and were esteemed by their fellows, would be
branded as traitors, bribe givers and takers. It was Purdy’s
vote that defeated Ruggles and his perfidy destroyed the use-
fulness of a brilliant man during the session. There are many
men alive today who know what Purdy received for that vote,
also that the man giving the bribe was a high carpetbag federal
official.

John Marion of the Courier unmercifully flayed the Yuma
county member for his dastardly delinquency, and there came
near being a serious meeting between the two men, but while

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Purdy could orate, his early fiasco with Pat Hamilton proved
mat he could not fight, and he swallowed Marion's invective as
he would one of his much-loved cocktails.

Purdy’s treachery gave the Republicans full control of the
organization by the election of General Rollins as speaker, and
to their credit, be it said, they were generous to their opponents
by an equal division of the spoils in the appointment of the
committees and the clerical force. Morris Goldwater was elected
chief clerk; Harry Carpenter, assistent clerk; Charley Shibell
journal clerk, and Salvation Army W. A. Cuddy, sergeant-
at-arms.

The council conceded nothing in the line of appointments
that was not absolutely wrung from them by the persistence of
Weedin and his supporters, although they wanted to be reason-
able in the allotment of clerk hire.

Both houses were exceedingly liberal as to the number of
attaches necessary to transcribe the proceedings, each member
having at the ratio of a clerk and a fraction per capita, the roster
standing 36 members and 42 clerks. As the members had the
undisputed right to choose their personal attendants, some
embraced the opportunity of making it a close corporation
family affair; one councilman from Pima placed his handsome
young wife and his son on the payroll, for which, among other
indiscretions he was afterward publicly rebuked by his con-
stituents and narrowly escaped being mobbed at an indignation
meeting called for that purpose at the opera house in Tucson
A few members were shameful in the appointment of unsavory
females, who performed no duties other than to cater to their
owners and sign the vouchers.

Epoch in Arizona History

Organization having been at last accomplished, the sagacity
of assembled learning settled down to a legislative program that
has created an epoch m Arizona’s history, never antedated, and
impossible of duplication.

There were many measures of merit passed into law by the
Thirteenth and some of the most vicious measures imposed
upon the people. The famous Mickey Stewart of Flagstaff has
to his credit the paternity of some of the shady propositions that
marred the records and created many a good old row.

Stewart was a character impossible of conception. He had
many admirable qualities that made him a hail fellow in a social
way but was entirely devoid of the attributes that tended to
create confidence in any measure he might espouse; his sole

THIRTEENTH TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE

desire in legislative life, and as a lobbyist, was the introduction of
“coinch” bills, and his palm always itched for the “mazuma”
of corporate influences, yet he had the merit of a genuine stand-
patter” and would carry his aggression to the extent of physical
attack on his opponents.

One case in point that came near ending in a tragedy. He
had an issue with Tom Weedin of Pinal county on the floor of
the council, in which severe recriminations were bandied. During
recess one day, as Mr. Weedin, accompanied by Captain Brid-
well, the member from Graham, was turning the corner on
Cortez street, Stewart secured possession of a wrench used in a
city hydrant, and rushing up behind Weedin attempted to brain
him with the three-foot bar. Only Weedin’s agility saved him
from serious injury or perhaps instant death. Stewart had
several contests during the session of lesser moment.

Stewart had many friends in the territory, as his later
nomination for delegates to congress proved, and he died, as
he lived, callous to the opinion of God or man, as his dying
remarks to his attending physician — the late Dr. Brennen
were ample proof. When he was informed that his demise w as
only a matter of minutes, he replied: “Well Doctor, if God

Almighty had nothing better on hand than trying to make an
angel of Mickey Stewart I have no further protest to make,”
and poor Stewart turned his face to the wall and gave up the
ghost.

Legislator Pugnacious

Captain B rid well of Graham county was another of the
militant members of the council worthy of mention in these
memoirs. Without having the traditional “ chip on his shoulder,”
he was ever ready to resent a wrong and thrash an aggressor.
He did so on one occasion when a French professor of Clifton
cast insinuations on his name and reputation. In Bridwell’s
life in the territory he was known as “Beauford,” and was a
famous Government scout. He had his name changed, as many
of the “old-timers” did, by the infamous “divorce legislature.”
This the Frenchman learned and he cast it up to the Captain in
a public resort in Prescott. It was soon that the Frenchman and
the floor met, eyeglasses were smashed and “Frenchy” gathered
< himself together considerably dilapidated, but still in the ring.
The denizen of Paree challenged Bridwell to a duel, according to
code, the member from Graham accepted the defi, and chose his
well known weapon, the Colt. Here the professor flunked. He
drew the line at a gun play, but agreed to fight with his favorite
“poignard” in French style. As no such weapons were to be

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

had short of his native Paris, friends interfered, the Frenchman's
wrath was appeased, and the matter ended by explanation and
apologies.

The house had its combative members who exercised their
prerogatives in fistic endeavors to a considerable extent. One
of the most serious conflicts was that between the Hon. Lafay-
ette Nash, now justice of the peace in Miami, but at that time a
representative of Yavapai, and Representative Brown of the
same county. The trouble originated over some local measure
that the gentlemen disagreed over. The mixup happened on the
floor of the house, just as a recess was announced. Who the
aggressor was in this affair I cannot recall, but I witnessed the
conflict and it looked for a time as if it would result in bloodshed.
Speaker Rollins had just proclaimed a recess after a heated
debate, and the members were dispersing when loud words ran^
out through the chamber, and two powerful men were engaged
near their desks in a hard fight, both striking and clinching.
Cuddy, the sergeant-at-arms deserted his post, and ran down the
stairway, leaving the combatants to finish their controversv in
one of the most finished battles of the session of battles of
fisticuffs and ballots. The speaker tried to restore order and the
dignity of his position, but it wras useless. Finally some members
acted as peacemakers and the gentlemen were separated and
expressions of apology smoothed over what for a time appeared
a very serious conflict.

Satire Starts Battle

A neai fight occurred between one of the newspaper corres-
pondents from the South and the “Old War Horse of the Hua-
chuchas, '' General Ward wrell. The cause wTas a letter to a
Tucson paper, satirizing the member for his speech on the
Woman's suffrage bill of which he was the advocate and intro-
duce1*- The lobby was filled on the occasion of this debate, by
the ladies of Prescott, and the General wras primed for the
occasion, being somewhat of a ladies' man. He was, several
times called to order in the heat of his advocacjr. Sam Purdy
was a bitter opponent of the bill and took the floor against
its passage. A page was called to the reporter's desk and he
was instructed to hand a communication to the member from
Yuma as follows:

Great Genii of Parnassian love
Come forth from out your sacred realm,

And guide the legislative craft
Ihrough breakers that do overwhelm,

THIRTEENTH TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE

Guide her o’er bars and reefs,

To any port, e’en that of Hell,

But steer her not along the coast,

That’s cruised by Mariner Ward well.

Purdy, after glancing at the note, faced the speaker, and in
stentorian tones read the phillippic. Wardwell dropped to his
seat nonplussed by the rhyme and its manner of delivery; the
effect of his speech was lost on the house and lobby, and, crest-
fallen, he succumbed to peals of laughter.

The next day the general sought out the author of the
rhyme, with a blacksnake whip, even carrying it to the floor of
the house, threatening a severe castigation, but in this instance
better counsel prevailed, and the dear old general accepted an
apology and the matter ended, as was intended, in a mirthful
meeting. Of course there were bar-room mixups, engendered by
muddlers and men who had axes to grind, but this is a record of
the so-called fights that gave rise to the combative reputation
of the “Bloody Thirteenth.”

Laws Enacted

The measures that affected the prosperity of the Territory,
and became laws, were many; although at the time of their
passage they were severely condemned by the howlers interested
in their defeat. Who would say today with any degree of
sincerity, that the Territorial University bill; the Normal School
bill; the Insane Asylum bill; the Phoenix & Maricopa Railroad
bill; and bills improving roads and the building of bridges across
turbulent streams; were vicious measures although protest
against all measures were numerous at that time?

True, a great debt was heaped up against the people, that
at the time seemed short of bankruptcy; but the future proved
this legislature gave an impetus to capital, as prior to 1885,
very little foreign investment existed in Arizona; every measure
passed that session was of some advantage to the people in the end.

Our insane patients were maintained in California at enor-
mous expense in transportation and support. The young men
and women of the Territory who desired an education above the
A. B. C. standard, were compelled to seek that boon in other
subdivisions of the nation; or eke out a semi-scholastic course in
unsanitary school rooms presided over by tutors, many of whom
were incompetent, and others who had no heart in their work
caused by pitiable surroundings of adobe walls and dirt floors.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Our ranchers, miners and freighters were compelled to cross
unfordable streams, and many drowned in bridgeless mountain
and valley torrents, and even the princely “Burro-Puncher ”
was annually obliged to add to his already overloaded “associate”
a riata and a mesquite pole to extricate his ship of the desert
from mud and mire.

Encouragement was given to the construction of proper
methods of transportation by the enactments of this notorious
Legislature; the railroad measures were all good; had not grafters
and confidence men butted into the same and used the bonds
appropriated for their development. The Phoenix and Maricopa
Railroad accomplished more towards the development of our
greatest valley than all other agencies combined.

The bill creating the Prescott and Seligman Railroad in
Aavapai county was a worthy measure, but the people lost all
benefits to be derived from that proposition, by later legislation
exempting future railroad construction from ~ taxation, giving
certain combinations power to utterly destroy this enterprise
and obliterate it from the map. The history of this road and its
destruction smells in the nostrils of the people of Yavapai to
the present day.

Shady Bond Deals

The Tucson and Globe bonds while conceived in a proper
spirit, were manipulated by a band of pirates, who have not been
brought to justice to the present time; man}’ of them are past
prosecution but some still cumber the neighborhood. No
attempt was made to construct the road according to the terms
of its legislative creation, but the people are still paying interest
on the bonds.

t During the progress of these enactments, the people of
Yavapai, Pima, Maricopa and Globe, had their representatives
at the capital, and urgently pressed the bills. Committees of the
whole, from day to day, heard pleadings and remonstrances,
and members were even threatened with bodily injury on their
return home if they did not incorporate them into law. I have
seen the late governor, F. A. Tritle, appear before both houses
sitting in committee of the whole, and with tears in his eves
plead eloquently for the passage of the Prescott and Seligman
railroad bond bill.

Colonel A. E. Head, a leading merchant of Prescott, pledged
his fortune and business future to the successful construction of
this road; Bashford, Goldwater, John G. Campbell, and manv
other leading men of the city and county not only pleaded for,
but demanded the bill. They got it — but, oh, what a sad

THIRTEENTH TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE

awakening! In a few years the property was absolutely des-
troyed, the ties and rails were removed by Senator W. A. Clark
who purchased the material from a bankrupt company, the
operating material was sold or consigned to the junk shop.
Faro dealers and sure thing men became millionaires, through
their original relations with this defunct enterprise, while the
sons and daughters of the original founders were peoned for
years to pay interest on the bonds.

One of the best measures enacted by the 13th Legislature,
was the creation of the office of Commissioner of Immigration,
and the installation therein of Patrick Hamilton, one of the
ablest writers that the West ever produced. His salary of $5,000
a year was honestly earned; his compilation of the resources of
Arizona was an able work, and has done more to attract the
attention of the world to the undeveloped wealth of the Territory
than all the literature since produced. It is a classic and ought to
be adopted as a textbook and placed on the desk of everv pupil
in every school in the territory. Hamilton held the office for
two years, when it was abolished by the succeeding legislature,
who were as radically economical as the 13th appeared ex-
travagant.

Fourteenth Economical

I will here digress to state that this body of Solons were so
honest with the people, that they performed their own clerical
work, and in thanks for their assiduous retrenchment and
parsimony, they have been dubbed the “Measly, Stingy 14th,”
so it can be seen that this body of citizens who performed their
duty according to their lights, have passed into history “un-
known, unhonored and unsung. ”

The next important measure I recall was the futile attempt
to create a new county out of the counties of Cochise and Gra-
ham and named by its sponsors, “Sierra Bonita,” with Willcox
as the seat of government. Captain Bridwell was Councilman
from Graham, but resided at Aravaipa, hence his interests were
with the new county hence he strongly supported the bill.
This left Graham in an unenviable position as the only home
votes she possessed, were Jim Sias and Tom Hunter, members
of the lower house; but Graham did not despond over votes,
as she held up her sleeve the wherewith to acquire them, in the
shape of an all powerful “third house,” and a corps of lobbyists
that had no superior in any legislative body in the history of
the territory.

Judge Egan — then and since — the able attorney of the
Arizona Copper Company, was assisted in this enterprise by

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Judge T. J. Fitzgerald of Camp Thomas, as suave a gentleman
in convincing a “doubting-Thomas, ” as any man who ever
cajoled a dubious legislator with his palm up. Peter J. Bolan,
the district attorney of Graham county, “THE MAN WHO
WENT TO SCHOOL WID PARNELL,” was there, and the
French “professor” from Clifton, added to the gaiety of the
occasion, by his presence as a master entertainer. Rooms were
equipped in elegant style; elaborate spreads occupied the
mahogany, and the sideboard was continually adorned by the
choicest brands of wet goods and imported Havanas.

The presiding genius at this caravansary of good cheer,
was Judge Sias, dubbed by his admirers “Tooth-Pick Jim.”
The ever smiling countenance of Judge Egan beamed cordially
on the guests and the mottoes, “no heeltaps” and “may good
digestion wait on appetite, and health on both,” were the
slogans of the daylight and midnight hours. Banker, beggar,
dolt and scribe, were on equal social footing in the enjoyment
of the good things of life provided by the founders of this home
of mirth.

“Damn Expenses — We Want Results”

The Cochise delegation opposed to the new county, conjointly
called the place their home. Billy Harwood, senator from
Cochise, led the southern county van in opposition to “Sarah
Bonita” as the approaching infant was facetiously named.
Whoever supplied the funds to maintain this resort were not
parsimonious, as there was no stint, the chief sentiment ex-
pressed was “damn expenses, we want results.”

Madison W. Stewart, of Willcox, and Fort Grant, as good a
man as ever engraved his name on the roster of Arizona Pioneers
or of Territorial progress, with his lieutenants, Bridwell, Percey
and Nichols, were leaders in advocacy of the new county. They,
with others, also held their levees, though not so ostentatiously
as the Graham crowd, nor with such final effectiveness, although
parsimony in entertainment could not be accredited to them.

The bill was introduced in the early part of the session in
the lower house, and after numerous complications, it finally
passed that body by a small majority.

It was in her advent to the Council that the poor babe
“Sarah” was denuded of her accouchment vestments. The success
in the house allayed any fears that Stewart might entertain as
to unreliability of promises — being a man of honor himself he
judged others accordingly — the house action in this matter was
strictly “on the square” with Stewart. He had ample assurance
of a majority of one on final passage in the Council, so the

*i .1 , Vr*r.w.~r~*w

THIRTEENTH TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE

enemies of the bill appeared crestfallen, and Stewart’s backers
eouallv elated; but the surprise of the session was great, when
the Council member whose vote was depended on s owe a
sence on final roll-call and was not to be f°und by ^
seekers Thus “Sarah Bonita” was strangled by eleven vigorous
men, six voting against and five for the baby county.

Bucky Won a Watch

“Buckv” O’Neil has been credited with the defeat of the
new county bill. It was said that it was Bucky s enter-
taining qualities that led to its defeat, but lip always modestly
disclaimed any participation in the

member But it is of record that the famous tticl

ia^Mer „re8ep**d with a handsome gold watch by the oppo-
nent of Sierra Bonita county, Billy Harwood making the
presentation speech.

The final measure of moment that engaged the attention o
the session was a bill providing for the issuance of further bonds
on Maricopa and Yavapai counties, for the purpose of con-
necting theP Seligman & Prescott and the Phoenix & Maricopa
lines from both terminals to the county line. Yavapai was
strongly in favor of its consummation, but the people of Maricopa
were opposed to incurring a further bonded mdebted“es^
Ex-District Judge De Forrest Porter was a member of the house
Horn Phoenix. He was plied with lobbying protests from the
people of the vallev, and telegrams threatening him with dire
results, came to his desk in the final days of the session if he
permitted the passage of the bill.

As he was personally compromised through other matters

in the early legislation, to its support and he P®r®° ufil^etween
to see its passage, the protests and threats placed him betw een
tL ‘fdevil and the deep sea.” The friends of the bill held the
club of previous promise over his head, while his constituents
held the knife of political and social menace at his throat. He
presented on that closing night of the session a pitiable spectade^
tears rolled down his cheeks like a whipped baby, he appealed
again 'and' again in his masterful periods to his merciless tor-
mentor* to release him from his promise to vote for the bill, bu
She Yavapai fellows were obdurate. The third reading and final
passage came up about 10 o’clock on the night of adjournment
and the appropriation bill was still to be considered, mid there
were too many interested in that important document to let
any other consideration impede it. There were howls and catcalls
for final disposition of the bond bill.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Walks Out with Bill

Porter again and again used his eloquence to stave off the
passage, and when completely exhausted he resorted to subter-
fuge to get possession of the bill; asking as a special privilege, to
examine it before final vote, that he thought he detected an
error in its final form. The clerk wras instructed by the speaker
to hand the document to the judge, and as soon as it was placed
in his possession he deliberately walked into the lobby, and
disappeared as completely as if the earth had opened and
swallowed him.

This bold and brazen act aroused the house to a man and
pandemonium prevailed. The speaker, shocked by the act,
called on the sergeant-at-arms to immediately produce Porter
before the bar of the house, and appointed a number of assistants
to enforce the mandate of the chair.

The history of this search was never WTitten before, by any
of the participants, but it is a fact that every resort that Porter
was known to frequent and every private residence where he
was known to be socially entertained, were diligently explored
from cellar to attic — even the private apartments of his sleeping
wife were invaded by the sleuths — but to no purpose, except the
humililiation of a good woman. When the sergeant at arms
reported his failure to locate the judge, the feeling became
intense, and by a unanimous vote DeForrest Porter was expelled
from the house, this act forever debarring him the right to hold
an office of trust or participate in the rights of citizenship.

After cooler thought a few members regretted their haste in
the matter of expulsion, as it not only outlawed the distracted
man, but it cast an irreparable reproach on his innocent family.
The Honorable Selim Franklin of Tucson, in the most eloquent
and pathetic speech of the session, succeeded in convincing the
members that expulsion was too drastic and by appealing to the
most sacred feelings of the body, the degrading resolution was
rescinded and Porter was let down with a vote of censure.

Disappearance Killed Judge

It was afterwards ascertained that the judge was within
earshot of the whole proceedings, having, with the assistance
of some confederate in his escapade, climbed into the attic
of the building where he lay concealed until morning. DeForrest
Porter made good to his Phoenix friends, his action killed the
bill, but it also killed the judge, as he never appeared the same
man again. He lived but a short time after the event recorded.

territorial legislature

THIRTEENTH TEBKLTUKhvu

Pflntain Watkins, the one-armed member from Gila county

most Sing speeches on the session’s delinquency.

The appropriation bill was finally Pas®®d> th* Sin-

ilSSpiiiiii

ggspstisii

and neighbors. , ,

With all their failings the Thirteenth Legislature created
more^b'eneficient^aws than any of its predecessors or successors.

The Bloody Thirteenth, was born in a turmoil and deep
travail, and expired in a halo of glory.

The Third House

its first inception to the greatest

its constitution eliminating it from her boundaries.

The Bloody Thirteenth had her third house, but not in the
sense to fit the above application. It was a social c ub Uo
devoted to the purpose of predatory incursions on the rights

the people.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Like all organizations instituted for purposes of entertain-
ment and good fellowship, some undesirables crept in and by
individual acts tended to discredit the whole. The few survivors
can challenge one mean or corrupt act to be truthfully laid at
its door.

Its roster contained the names of the most reputable men
of the territory, of a quarter century ago. It was accused of
being an organized lobby, but was not devoted to that pernicious
system in any form. It was known as “The Arizona Press Club.”

In anticipation of the convening of the legislature of 1885,
the people of Prescott, who are traditionally known for their
hospitality, secured the spacious residence of former Governor
John C. Fremont, renovated the same and installed every con-
venience for the comfort of their anticipated guests, with card
rooms, chess rooms, and reception rooms, grand piano and other
paraphernalia of entertainment. Ex-Chief Justice French was
the chairman of the committee having the place in charge.

Arizona Press Club

It was here that Governor Tritle and wife gave their recep-
tions and levees. It wras in this environment that the “Press
Club was organized. The Thirteenth Legislature contained a
number of newspaper proprietors and attending it w^ere many
correspondents of the coast and territorial press.

The charter members of the club were Pat Hamilton,
“Bucky” O’Neil, Thomas F. Weedin, John Marion, John A.
Dorrington, Charley Beach, George W. Brown, R. C. Brown,
George W. Tinker, Sam Purdy, M. M. Rice, W. T. Burke and
\\ . A. Cuddy. These were the newspaper owners and corres-
pondents at the capital.

The honorary members were: General George Crook,

Captain Bourke, Governor F. A. Tritle, Ex-Chief Justice French,
Ex-Chief Justice Sumner Howard, John C. Herndon, Chief
Justice Wright, Clark Churchill, Frank Hereford, Morris Gold-
water, Harry Carpenter, Joe Dauphin, Judge Mark Egan, Ned
McGoven, Will Nash and Billy Harwood, and others whose
names have passed the writer’s memory.

Pat Hamiltor was made president, “Bucky” O’Neil
secretary and M. M. Rice treasurer. An assessment of $20
per capita was levied on the charter members to defray incidental
expenses and secure quarters for the club, but this was found
unnecessary, as the “Press Club” was tendered the use of the
citizen’s retreat for all social purposes, so it was able to start
with $300 in the treasury.

THIRTEENTH TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE

Containing as it did many legislators in both houses, it
wielded a powerful influence on the proceedings of the law
makers, and many vicious enactments were strangled in their
conception by the vigilance of its members, and many meritorious
ones, that would have gone to destruction, became laws, through
its hearty support.

The “ Press Club” had its individual failings, in that some of
its members would stray from the straight and narrow path of
“ beastly sobriety,” as Purdy coined the quotation, and adorned
the surroundings with the Celtic poet’s conception of earthly
pleasure :

“Fill the bumper fair,

Every drop we sprinkle
O’er the brow of care

Smooths away a wrinkle.”

This was the extreme extent of their erring, graciously
pardoned in those strenuous times. Their practice is better
illustrated in the club’s adopted motto: “As we journey

through life, we live by the way;” and many lived up to the
motto through life with fidelity.

The officers of the Post were frequently guests of the club,
and also prominent transient visitors to the capital, and here
wisdom, wit and nonsense combined with the clink of glasses
and wreaths of Havana smoke, whiled away many an evening,
while the solons were exhausting their energies in trying to
solve the intricacies of fare and freight bills, the regulation of
range brands and the legal merits of sheep dip.

Arrange Regal Feast

One function for which the club became famous was the
banquet tendered the officers at Whipple barracks, the federal
and territorial officials and members of the legislature. No such
elaborate event was ever pulled off in Arizona before, nor has it
been equalled since. The recollection of it still lingers proudly
in the memory of its living participants.

The affair was first suggested by “Bucky” O’Neill, and with
him suggestion was action. A committee of three, consisting of
the president, secretary and treasurer, was appointed on ways
and means for its accomplishments.

In those days — as now — newspaper men and scribes were
not round shouldered from packing an over-plus of coined metal,
and the wherewith gave the committee many nights of deep
thought ; the number of guests to be entertained and method of
entertaining was duly considered, and with less than S300 in

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

the treasury, nothing very elaborate could be accomplished;
however, it" would be in bad form for a “Press Club” repre-
senting the thought, morals, virtues and development of a terri-
tory as grand as Arizona, to do anything in a half-hearted
manner, or on a cheap and limited basis.

O’Neil stood for a feast that would go down to posterity.
“Bucky” never stood for anything by halves, he was never
known" to split a bet. One hundred people must be seated at
that festive board; the other members of the committee, carried
away by his enthusiasm, coincided; but how? The thoughtful
secretary says: “Let’s pass the hat.” His excellency the gov-
ernor was consulted on this momentous question. “Bucky
presented his plan in this inimitable style. In the shape of an
engrossed bill from the third house, the executive signed the bill
and attached to his signature a S50 subscription, suggesting
further that if O’Neil could tax ex-judge French for a similar
amount, he would double the donation. It is hardly necessary
to record that the governor was not compelled to double. The
judge passed us up. M. W. Stewart and Judge Egan contributed
handsomely, the legislative members chipped in all the way
from $20 down to two sheep, tendered by Bill Imus, member
from Mohave. Bill said he didn’t care for swell chuck, but he
adored mutton; and, by the way, William was the member
who, after a motion was made and seconded, arose to his feet
and said: “Mr. Speaker, I third that motion.”

Captain Watkins informed the collection committee that he
preferred seeing fellows pay for their own board, not from
parsimony, for he was a generous man, but he did not like to
encourage the solicitation of alms.

A certain railroad attorney who could not use O’Neil in
some of his schemes, sarcastically replied when asked for a dole,
that he would willingly issue free transportation to the whole
club on condition of permanent emigration, but he reconsidered
and came forward with a 50 spot; and so it went.

In twenty-four hours the club’s treasury was swelled to the
sum of $1,500 — remember readers, this was in Prescott. How
long would it take to raise that sum for a simple feed in other
capital cities? Well, never mind —

$10.25 Per Plate

The funds secured, the next step was where to find a com-
modious place to pull off the event. While old Prescott was
chuck full of get there and generosity, unlike many of its con-
temporaries, that was that winter decidedly short on empty

THIRTEENTH TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE

spaces. Howey Hall was at last secured and committees ap-
pointed to complete the arrangements. Frank Iugoldsbv and
Joe Dauphin were past masters in the art of decoration, and the
result detracted nothing from their reputation. The contract
on menu was given Ben Butler — 100 plates at $10.25 per plate.
This supper gave Ben his start to his present financial success

in Phoenix. # .

Flowers were imported from California; the liquids were
supplied by C. P. Head, and Bob Connell, a member of the
lower house, supplied the Havanas. The menu was printed
on the government press at the Post through the courtesy of
General Crook, “Bucky” O’Neil setting the type, which was
sufficient in itself to attest to its style. It was on embossed
satin and the specimens are rare today and considered by their
possessors valuable souvenirs. The preparations occupied several
weeks, every member contributing time and talent to make it
a success.

The long expected night at last arrived and who alive today
who were present can forget it. The hall was resplendent with
decorations appropriate to so august an occasion.

Remember, it was a stag party; but the good ladies of Pres-
cott were not ignored by any means. They were invited to feast
their eyes on the brilliancy of the hall and decorations — brilliant
for those days of oil lamps and wax candles — ante rooms were
supplied with refreshments for their special use, but they deeply
regretted that they could not partake in the main event, and —
‘twere better so. .

The hour at last arrived, and what an hour, with the Fort
Whipple Military Band discoursing its strains across the plaza,
the principal guests of the evening assembled, General Crook
and his staff in all the gorgeousness of military apparel, with
decorations won on many a hard fought battle field, before the
present generation of Arizonians saw light of day and when
many of us present gray haired lads were young. Next came
the governor and his staff, the federal officers, territorial officials
and the members of the legislature — all except Watkins and the
man who offered to donate the sheep. The club members were
in position to receive their guests. Pat Hamilton occupied the
seat of honor and acted as toastmaster. There were just 100
men who occupied a position seated in a hollow square before a
well appointed spread as any epicure might desire.

Feast of Reason — Flow of Soul

The “feast of reason and flow of soul” was prolonged into
the “wee sma’ hours.” General H. G. Rollins, Arizona’s classic

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

orator, Captain Bourke, the most brilliant after dinner speaker
in the department of the West, Summer Howard, the eloquent
jurist, Governor Tritle, a man of forcible delivery, Pete Bohn
with his exuberant Celtic wit and fascinating blarney Tom’
Weedm, the irrepressible, Mickey Stewart, the facetious, Sam
Purdy, whose tongue was tipped with satire, and many others
capable of impromptu expression.

t S\rry ^P^er, Joe Dauphin, “Baldy” Brown and Frank
Ingoldsby, the famous quartet— where could be found their
superior? Not in the territory then, nor since — dear old friends,
your strains of harmony are now mingling with the music of the
spheres and few of that night are left to write your obituary

Such a gathering of brilliant men, soldiers, civilians and*
artisans and every honorable vocation then obtaining in the
young and growing territory, and to think that the majority of
them are no more too bad, too bad; have we duplicated them?
Perhaps.

There is hardly any pleasure unaccompanied with pain,
the pleasure of knowing these pioneers of the past, and par-
ticularly on the occasion described in this record, as members
and guests of the Press Club of the Thirteenth, has been sadlv
marred by an attack made on the club by the Los Angeles Times
of that date. Otis never attacked a band of pickets in a labor
strike with greater venom, than he did this generous, brave and
wholesouled body of men, a*d I am charitable enough to think
that the editor of the Times was sadly misinformed as to their
character by evil designers; however, the tirade was gratuitous.

After the adjournment the “Press Club” disintegrated,
each member returning to his home and his calling all to continue
through life friends and brothers.

Thus ended this congregation of a remarkable body of men
from every avenue of life.

It was a third house, ‘tis true, but it will live long in
memory s pathway, to those wrho knew, loved and respected
the men who composed it.

(Note: In this account of the Thirteenth Legislature

every line is from memory after a lapse of 25 years, no references
were sought nor notes resorted to. Some names have been
orgotten and some slight inaccuracies may have crept in, but
the general facts and circumstances are absolutely correct.

M. M. Rice.)

SERVING THE STATE OF ARIZONA

Offices

Ajo

Clifton

Glendale

Globe

Hayden

Mesa

Miami

M or end

Phoenix

Prescott

Ray

Safford

Services
Commercial
Savings
Trust
Securities
Insurance
Safe Deposit

An Obligation

ana a

We of today in Arizona owe a
debt of gratitude to those hardy
spirits of a generation and more
ago. They saw a vision in this
once desert land. They faced
great hardships. They con-
quered vast difficulties and
started the development which
we now enjoy.

There is yet much to do in Ari-
zona. May we carry on the
work of the founders of this
state, so that Arizona may come
to that rich heritage which na-
ture has in store for her.

HE VALLEY BANK

Member Federal Reserve System

CAPITAL AND SURPLUS $1,300,000.00

Packers and Shippers of Salt River Valley and
Arizona Products

Shipments by Freight, Express,

Parcel Post and by Truck

First Class Fruits and Vegetables

Everything in Season

'D D a DVT71"*

jOriiN xjAKivcK
PRODUCE COMPANY

\ Phoenix, Tucson, Prescott

17 O N

ZONA HISTORICAL

kVIE w

IiUaN i. xl/is i 5

Pioneers Pass Away Geo. H. Kelly

Geronimo — (Concluded) John P. Clum

Arizonans in the Spanish-American War. . A. D. Webb

Woman Suffrage Mrs. Hattie L. Williams

Gila Valiev Pioneers Mrs. C. A. Teeples

“The Noonan’* John A. Rockfellow

Tucson in 1847 Judge P. Adams

Arizona in 1881 Geo. H. Kelly

Camels in Southwest Col. C. C. Smith

Building Southern Pacific S. P. Bulletin

Vo!. 1

JANUARY, 1929

No. 4

Published Quarterly by

ARIZONA STATE HISTORIAN

PHOENIX* ARIZONA

Entered j.5 Second Cla Mail

ARIZONA

Historical Review

A QUARTERLY
SUBSCRIPTION $3.00 PER YEAR

Volume 1 JANUARY, 1929 Number 4

( i

. i'>- ; • * ••

^ • . « *4 ■ f i ..." » " — |. 2. . . S *

it i I if- : .

I ... : ; iwl fl fl o . Jh&g

STATE CAPITOL BUILDING

HOX. CIIAS. I). POSTOX
"'llic Father of Arizona”

Devoted several years to his effort to have Arizona constituted as a territory,
finally succeeding on February 24. 1S63, when Congress passed an act cutting Ari-
zona from Xew Mexico.

Mr. Poston was among the first territorial officials, holding the office of Indian
Agent. At the first election he 1<J in July, 1864. Poston was elected as Arizona’s first
delegate to Congress. After his term in Congress he was appointed to have charge
of and administer the l . S. land office at Florence. 1 le died in the vear 1V1J2 at
Phoenix.

p\V^5

Arizona Historical Data

The territory now included within the limits of Arizona was acquired
by virtue of treaties concluded with Mexico in 1848 and in 1854. Previous
to that time this country belonged to Mexico as a part of Sonora.

The act cutting Arizona away from the territory of New Mexico was
passed by the United States congress and signed by President Abraham
Lincoln on February 24, 1863.

Governor John N. Goodwin and other territorial officials reached Navajo
Springs, now in Navajo County, on December 29, 1863, where, on that date,
the governor issued a proclamation inaugurating the territorial government.

The first Arizona territorial legislature was convened in Prescott, the
temporary capital, September 26, 1864. Territorial capital located in Tucson,
November 1, 1867, under an act of the legislature. The territorial capital
was relocated at Prescott the first Monday in May, 1877. On February 4,
4S89, the territorial capital was permanently located at Phoenix, where it
has remained since.

Arizona became a state on February 14, 1912, by virtue of a congressional
act passed in 1911.

The officers appointed by President Lincoln, who were responsible for
the first Arizona territorial government were: John N. Goodwin, of Maine*
Governor; Hic'hard C. McCormick, of New York, Secretary of the Territory;
William F. Turner, of Iowa, Chief Justice; William T. Howell, of Michigan
aud Joseph P. Allyn, of Connecticut, associate justices; Almon Gage, of New
York, attorney general; Levi Bashford, of Wisconsin, Surveyor General;
Milton B. Duffield, of New York, IT. S. Marshal; Charles D. Poston, of
Kentucky, Superintendent Indian affairs.

The first Arizona State officials, elected in 1911, included the following:
George W. P. Hunt, Governor; Sidney P. Osborn, Secretary of State; J. C.
Callaghan, State auditor; D. F. Johnson, State treasurer; C. 0. Case, Super-
intendent of Public instruction; W. I*. Geary, F. A. Jones and A. W. Cole,
Corporation Commissioners; Alfred Franklin, Chief Justice; D. L. Cunning-
ham and H. D. ltos3t Associate Justices of the Supreme Court.

.ANNOUNCEMENT

To Our Subscribers

The first year of the publication of the Arizona Historical
Review will be completed with this number, January 1, 1929.

The four quarterly numbers included in the first year were
those of April, July and October, 1928 and the present number,
January 1, 1929.

Practically all subscribers to the Arizona Historical Review
began with the initial number in April.

If you desire to continue as a subscriber to the Review please
send check for $3 to

GEORGE II. KELLY, State Historian,

Phoenix, Arizona.

XT** m~m*m -

PIONEERS PASS AWAY
Hon. Sol Barth

Hon. Sol Barth, Arizona pioneer and a resident of St. Johns,
Apache County since that county was created in 1879, and for a
number of years prior to that date, died at his home at St. J obns
on. Friday, November 30, 1928, having reached the age of 87 years.
He had been a resident of Arizona for 67 years. His first stop in
Arizona was either on Christmas Day, 1860, or on New Years Day,
1861, when he arrived in Tucson with a freighting outfit which
brought freight across the desert from San Bernardino, Califor-
nia. He returned to California with the freighting teams and re-
mained there until 1862, when he returned to Arizona, going to
the old town of La Paz, on the Colorado River, where he entered
the service of Michael Goldwater, the pioneer merchant of that
locality.

In 1864 he secured the contract to carry the government
mail from Prescott to Albuquerque, New Mexico, the route pass-
ing through the Zuni Villages. He secured the assistance of the
late Alfred F. Banta in carrying the mail. In those days hostile
Indians were plentiful in the country, and Barth and Banta
would ride at night and hide in the rocks and canyons during the
day, as Indians very seldom attacked during the night. In 1869
he owned the Suttler’s Store at Fort Apache, and from this point
traded with Indians over a wide area. In 1874 he located, perma-
nently, at the present site of St. Johns. During his earlier resi-
dence in Arizona, and after he acquired the traders’ store at Fort
Apache, he engaged in trading with Indians, carrying his goods
to the camps of the Indians on pack animals, usually burros. Sev-
eral times he narrowly escaped death at the hands of the hostiles,
Once wrhen he went to an Apache camp and instead of finding his
friendly chief, Pedro, whom he knew, he found the Apache war-
rior chief Cochise in charge, lie lost his pack animals and his
goods, including his clothing and the clothes worn by six Mexicans
who accompanied him. Thus stripped, he and his companions
were allowed to go and they returned to the Zuni Villages, a dis-
tance of one hundred miles, subsisting on the flesh of a dog that
followed them from the Indian camp. Chief Cochise had Barth
and the Mexicans tied to trees and was making preparations to
dispatch them when Chief Pedro returned to the camp, and inter-
ceding in behalf of his friend Barth, succeeded in having them
released.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

It was through the influence of Barth that Apache County
was created by the Twelfth Territorial Legislature in 1879. The
legislative act provided that the county seat of the new county
should be located by a vote of the people residing therein. After
a strenuous fight at the special election Barth succeeded in locat-
ing the county seat in his home town. Soon after he located per-
manently in St. Johns. Barth sold a possessory right to twelve
hundred acres of land in that vicinity to the Mormon Church,
negotiations for this deal being conducted by Joseph Smith and
D. K. Udall, representatives of the church. Barth had a personal
acquaintance with Kit Carson, meeting this famous scout when
he came through the Zuni Villages as a colonel of volunteers to set-
tle some trouble among the Navajo Indians.

Mr. Barth was a member of the Eleventh and Nineteenth
territorial legislatures. He was a successful business man and
continued in the mercantile and hotel business to the time of his
death; in recent years assisted by two daughters and a son. The
death of Sol Barth leaves Billy Fourr, of Cochise County, as the
dean of Arizona pioneers, he, too, having arrived in Arizona in
1861.

W. C. Trueman

W. C. Trueman, prominent pioneer citizen of Pinal County,
died at the Good Samaritan Hospital in Los Angeles, California,
on Thursday, November 29, 1928, having reached the age of 74
years. Mr. Trueman was a native of the State of New York. He
had resided, almost continually, in Pinal County since 1878, when
he went to the old Silver King Mine where he secured employment
as a carpenter. He soon became foreman of all carpenter work at
the mine and remained there until the mine was abandoned in
1889. From Silver King he went to Florence, the county seat, and
in 1890 was elected sheriff, and served Pinal County in that ca-
pacity for six terms, a total of twelve years. After leaving the
sheriff’s office he was county treasurer for one term. Soon after
this he went to Alaska and remained there for several years, and
while there acquired some of the original shares in the Keimecut
Copper Company. During the time he was sheriff, Mr. Trueman
had a correct vision of the future mining and agricultural indus-
tries in Pinal County and acquired numerous mining claims in
the mining district, of which Superior is now the metropolis, ami
also lands in the Casa Grande Valley. Several years ago he dis-
posed of his mining claims and later, three years ago, on account

PIONEERS PASS AWAY

of failing health, he disposed of his lands and retired from busi-
ness activity and since then has resided in Phoenix during the
winter and in Los Angeles during the summer. He left here last
June. The announcement of his death caused sincere sorrow
among a large circle of acquaintances throughout the State of
Arizona. His last official service was in the capacity of sergeant-
at-arms of the state constitutional convention. As sheriff of
Pinal County he had many exciting experiences and at all times
proved himself to be a man of good judgment and undoubted
. courage.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

G E R 0 N I M 0*

(Concluded)

By John P. Clum

•Copyright — 1928.

After passing Bisbee, the renegades continued into Mexico
and soon were again quite safe in their favorite resort amid the
fastnesses of the Sierra Madre Mountains.

The annual report of the Secretary of War for 1886— which
includes the reports of Generals Sheridan, Crook, Miles, and
others — presents the official record of many exceedingly interest-
ing details of the military operations against the Apache hostile*
during the period covered by that report, the most vital of which
are set forth in the following paragraphs — reduced to their lowest
terms.

General Sheridan’s report gives us some concise and useful
facts. He says that the band of Chiricahua “prisoners” who “es-
caped from the reservation on May 17, 1885, and again went on
the war-path consisted of “forty-two men and ninety-four women
and children”; that the area of southeastern Arizona and south-
western New Mexico was “the scene of the murders and depreda-
tions committed at various times since” that outbreak; that the
hostiles “are difficult to pursue, and when attacked they dis-
perse”; that with the aid of the Indian trailers “the troops at-
tempt to pick up the trail, but success in this does not often go be-
yond the capture of a few women and children.”

General Crook tells us that as soon as he learned that this des-
perate band of Chiricahua outlaws were again on the war-path he
ordered “no less than twenty troops of cavalry and more than
one hundred Indian scouts” into the field, and these “were moved
in every direction either to intercept or follow the trails of the
hostiles. But with the exception of “a slight skirmish with their
rear guard” in which three soldiers were wounded, “the hostiles
were not even caught sight of by the troops, and crossed into Mex-
ico on June 10th.”

For the purpose of preventing raids into American territory,
General Crook “placed a troop of cavalry and a detachment of
Indian scouts at every water-hole along the border from the Pata-
gonia mountains in Arizona, to the Ilio Grande in New Mexico,
with orders to patrol t lie country between camps, and a second
line of reserve troops were stationed at convenient points along
the railroad. ’ ’ About 3.000 regular troops were employed in these

GEKONIMO

operations. A telegram from Washington under date of June 9tli
“ authorized the enlistment of 200 additional Indian scouts.”

During the summer two battalions of Indian scouts, one
under Captain Crawford and one under Lieutenant Davis, were
operating in Mexico. These came in contact with the hostiles on
June 23rd, July 13th, and September 22nd, and these three en-
gagements resulted in the killing of one squaw, two boys, and one
of the Indian scouts, and the capture of thirty women and
children.

. In the latter part of November, 1885, Lieutenant-General
Sheridan proceeded from Washington to Fort Bowie, Arizona,
where he held a conference with General Crook. He reported the
situation complicated and difficult, and the results to that date
disappointing, but expressed the opinion that General Crook
would be able to work out a satisfactory solution of the serious
problems confronting him.

Another conspicuous event occurring in November is recorded
in General Crook’s report as follows :

“The raid of the party of eleven Indians who succeeded in
eluding the troops on the line and went up into New Mexico by the
Lake Palomas trail early in November is mentioned as showing the
dangers and difficulties to be contended against from small par-
ties. During the period of about four weeks this band traveled
probably not less than 1200 miles, killed thirty-eight people, cap-
tured and wore out probably 250 head of stock, and, though twice
dismounted, succeeded in crossing back into Mexico with the loss
of but one, who was killed by friendly Indians, whose camp they
attacked near Fort Apache.”

A startling statement, indeed, and the fact that Geronimo
was not with this raiding party proves what has often been alleged,
that the followers of the noted renegade included several desper-
ate characters who were far more cunning, daring, and dangerous
than the wrily leader, himself.

It will be noted that in this daring and disastrous raid no
Casualties were suffered by the troops, and that only one of the hos-
tiles was killed — “by friendly Indians” near Fort Apache. But
' the citizens — the non-combatants — sustained the appalling loss of
38 killed and “probably 250 head of stock” stolen.

We need not doubt that General Crook was now doing his ut-
most to recapture his former “prisoners of war,” but we cannot
forget the ugly fact that the General permitted those desperate
' “prisoners” to retain their arms and supplied them with rations
' at an unguarded camp within the limits of the reservation until it

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

suited their mood to “escape’ 7 to the war-path, and that his brief
but thrilling tale of the “The Raid of the Bloody Eleven,” with
a record of thirty-eight murders, was a direct sequence of the
fact that his so-called “prisoners of war” were not prisoners at
all, but were, under his protection, resting and equipping them-
selves for the desperate deeds of the blood-red trail — some of
which the irony of fate has permitted him to record.

And while penning the gruesome details of this raid of the
“Bloody Eleven” General Crook must have shuddered as he re-
called the grave responsibilities which he had voluntarily assumed
under the provisions of that special agreement between the War
Department and the Interior Department, arrived at in Washing-
ton, D. C., on July 7, 1883, and which specifically stipulated that :
“For the greater security of the people of Arizona, and to ensure
peace, the War Department shall be entrusted with the entire
police control of all the Indians in the San Carlos Reservation and
charged with the duty of keeping the peace on the reservation and
preventing the Indians from leaving, except with the consent of
General Crook, or the officer who may be authorized to act under
him.”

Through an international agreement the Mexican troops co-
operated with the American forces in hunting down the hostile*,
the general plan being to keep the renegades continually on the
move and thus eventually wear them out Among the officers de-
tailed for this campaign was Captain Emmet Crawford, who.
through an asserted blunder, was shot by Mexican troops on Jan-
uary 11, 1886, and died from his wounds at Nacozari a week later.

At this time it was reported that the hostiles were “dispirited
and worn out” by pursuit, and that they had sent a squaw to Cap-
tain Crawford the day before he was shot, proposing a conference.
After the skirmish in which Captain Crawford was mortally
wounded, Lieutenant Maus assumed command of the battalion of
scouts and within a day or two arranged for a meeting with
Geronimo and Nah-chee. At that meeting Geronimo promised
Lieutenant Maus that he would meet General Crook “near the
boundary line in about two moons.” The locality agreed upon for
this meeting was about twenty-five miles south of the line and
known as “El Canon de los Embudos.”

The purpose of the proposed meeting between General Crook
and Geronimo was to arrange terms of surrender, and this ap-
pointment for a meeting, apparently, operated as another armis-
tice. The domineering renegade stipulated that General Crook
must come to this meeting unaccompanied by soldiers, and that

GERONIMO

he, himself, would arrive at the trysting place

in about two

moons. Geronimo did not hurry. The period of the armistice
afforded opportunity for rest and recuperation ; therefore he ex-
tended the period and ‘ ‘ allowed seventy days to elapse before he
appeared at the point agreed upon— on March 25th tenoral
Crook and Lieutenant Maus with his battalion of Indian scouts
had been impatiently awaiting his arrival.

General Crook says the hostiles “were encamped on a rocky
hill surrounded on all sides by ravines and canons, through which
the hostiles could escape to the higher peaks behind m the event
of attack that instead of being “despinted and worn out as re-
ported, “they were in superb physical condition, armed to the
teeth— with all the ammunition they could carry, and that in
manner they were “suspicious, independent and self-reliant.

Pie further states that “Lieutenant Maus with his battalion oi
scouts was camped on lower ground, separated by a deep, rugged
canon from their position, and distant five or six hundred yards.
The hostiles refused to allow any nearer approach: that Je-

ronimo told his people to keep their guns in their hands and be
ready to shoot at a moment’s notice that the slightest suspicious
circumstance “would be the signal for firing to begin; that they
would kill all they could, and scatter in the mountains.

Ao-ain “Crook had run himself into a perilous situation’’—
quite similar to that of 1883. Lieutenant Maus had eighty In-
dian scouts in his battalion, while the hostiles numbered thirty-
five including Geronimo and Nah-cliee, — all desperate charac-

ters in a defiant mood. General Crook says the situation was
similar to that in which General Canby lost his life at the hands oi
the Modocs. He realized the hazards of the undertaking, and,
while we may be skeptical as to the wisdom of the General’s meth-
ods in dealing with renegades, his dauntless courage compels our

admiration. ^ ,

General Sheridan tells us that: “General Crook demanded
their unconditional surrender. The only propositions they would
entertain were these, which General Crook states:

“ (1) That they should be sent east for not exceeding two
years taking with them such of their families as they

desired. .

“ (2) That they should all return to the reservation on the

old status.

“ (3) Return to the war-path with all its attending horrors.
“He (Crook) was obliged to decide quickly, and accepted
their surrender on the first proposal.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

But this was another ‘‘verbal surrender” in which none was
disarmed, or even placed under guard. ’Once more this bunch of
ruthless Chiricahua marauders had consented to be designated as
“prisoners of war” — provided only that all were allowed to re-
tain their arms and their freedom. Let us read General Crook’s
pathetic picture of his humiliating situation as recorded on page
153 of his annual report. The General says :

“Even after they surrendered to me they did not cease their
vigilance. They kept mounted men on watch, and even after the
march northward began the hostiles scattered over the country
in parties of two or three. At night they camped in the same way,
and, had I desired, it would have been an absolute impossibility
to have seized more than half-a-dozen of them.”

It will be noted that, notwithstanding the fact that these In-
dians had “surrendered” to General Crook, he still refers to them
as “hostiles” — which, in fact, they were. Finally it was agreed
that Geronimo and his band should accompany the battalion of
scouts under Lieutenant Maus to Fort Bowie, and the march com-
menced on the morning of March 28th and proceeded until the
night of the 29th without special incident — except the alleged ac-
tivities of some “bootleggers” from Tombstone. “On the night
of the 29th, ’ ’ General Crook tells us, “the hostiles were apparently
sober, and no trouble was indicated, but during the night Ge-
ronimo and Nah-chee with twenty men, fourteen women, and two
boys escaped” and stampeded to the hills. Lieutenant Maus im-
mediately pursued, but without success.

The remainder of the “prisoners” continued to Fort Bowie,
having been joined en route bj" two of the men who fled with
Geronimo. The actual surrender of these Indians occurred upon
their arrival at Fort Bowie, where they were disarmed and
placed under guard, and on April 7th all of these prisoners left
Fort Bowie for Fort Marion, Florida. This party consisted of
fifteen men, thirty-three women, and twenty-nine children — a
total of seventy-seven, and included the two wives and three chil-
dren of Geronimo and the family of Nah-chee, as well as Chihua-
hua and his brother Josanie, who led “The Raid of the Bloody
Eleven” during November and December, 1S85, and who were re-
puted to be among the ablest and most dangerous of the Chirica-
hua renegades.

Although Geronimo and Nah-chee with eighteen other rene-
gades were still at large, General Crook’s final campaign against
the hostile Apaches was not devoid of most beneficial results. He
had demonstrated to these defiant marauders that it was the de-

GERONIMO

termmed purpose of the United States to pursue them relentlessly
and ultimately to destroy them— unless they capitulated. This fact,
together with the removal of the families to Plonda-particularly
those of Geronimo and Nah-chee— caused a psychological reaction
in the minds of the renegades which made it comparatively easy,
six months later, for General Miles to persuade Geronimo and
Nah-chee to consent to join their exiled families m h londa.

Although the “terms of surrender” had been accepted by
General Crook at El Canon de los Embudos on March 26th, this
information did not reach the authorities at Washington unti
March 30th. Immediately, General Sheridan took the matter up
with President Cleveland, and later on the same date (March 30,
1886) General Sheridan telegraphed General Crook that tne
President could not assent to the surrender of the noshes on a
basis of two years’ imprisonment in the East and then a return to

the Arizona reservation.” , ,

Meantime Geronimo and Nah-chee with eighteen men had re-
turned to the war-path, and, after due consideration, it was de-
cided that the remainder of the liostiles who had surrendered to
General Crook, and who were disarmed and placed under proper
guard upon their arrival at Fort Bowie, on April 2nd should be
sent to Fort Marion, and they left Fort Bowie on April 7th as be-

fore ®*a^ears that at this time a difference of opinion arose be-
tween General Sheridan and General Crook as to the efficiency
of the Indian scouts, and it is not improbable that General Crook
was somewhat depressed because of the failure of his efforts to
4 ‘ manage the Apaches in his own way. ’ ’ Be that as it may , Gen-
eral Crook, at his own request, was relieved of the command ot the
Department of Arizona and was succeeded by General Nelson A
Miles, who arrived at Fort Bowie the latter part of April, lbbb.

Referring to the achievements of his predecessor, General
Miles says: “General Crook had for years been trying to rabjn-
gate them (the hostiles) and bring them under control. ihe
new commander ignored the fact that the citizens of Tucson had
tendered a banquet to General Crook m honor of his capture ot
Geronimo and his band in 1883. Four years later there was a
spirited controversy in the eastern press between these two vet-
eran Indian fighters in which each commented on his rival s cam-
paign against Geronimo in caustic fashion. .

At the time General Miles assumed command m Arizona the
latter part of April, 1S86, the hostiles then at large numbered
twenty-three. Geronimo and Nah-chee had eighteen men with

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

them, and Mangus, who had separated from Geronimo in Aug-
ust, 1885, had two men with him. But General Crook states that
at this time the whereabouts of Mangus and his followers were
. not known, and there was “no evidence that his band had had any
part in the recent outrages.” Therefore it may be said that the
hostiles numbered only twenty, for it was the party under Ge-
ronimo and Nah-chee who were the potent factors in the campaign,
and who lent zest and action to the operations in the field.

General Miles fell heir to the 3000 troops and 300 Indian
scouts recentty commanded by General Crook, and immediately
he started another “drive” against this band of twenty valiant
warriors who were defying the armies of the United States and
Mexico. The General announced that his plan of campaign would
be that of “constantlly pursuing” and “finally wearing them
down,” — which was quite the same method that had been em-
ployed by General Crook. Captain W. H. Lawton, a resolute,
brave officer, was placed in command of the troops that were “to
take up the pursuit of the Indians south of the Mexican border. ’ ’
Captain Lawton started this pursuit in May, 1886, with a personal
command of thirty-five cavalry, twenty infantry, twenty Apache
scouts, two pack trains, three lieutenants, and Surgeon Leonard
Wood. The pack trains were capable of carrying two months’
rations.

Early in his report General Miles emphasizes the deadly char-
acter of his foe by calling attention to the fact that “during the
year the hostile Indians had killed 140 persons.” Obviously his
troops continued^ to guard every water-hole and mountain pass
and Indian trail north of the Mexican line, and to this arrange-
ment lie added detachments from the Signal Service who were
“stationed on the highest peaks and prominent lookouts” for the
purpose of flashing messages to the various camps giving informa-
tion relative to the movements of the hostiles. His plan of pursuit
was that of a relay race on the part of the troops, and his general
orders announced that, ‘ ‘ commanding officers are expected to con-
tinue a pursuit until capture, or until assured a fresh command
is on the trail.”

The effectiveness of the “relay-pursuit-race” plan was
speedily given an acid test, for General Miles tells us that after
committing some depredations in Mexico, “the hostiles swept
northward, and on April 27th invaded our territory, passing down
the Santa Cruz valley, stealing stock and killing a few citizens.”
Captain Lebo was quickly on the trail, and after a pursuit of 200
miles, he attacked the renegades in the Pinito mountains, Sonora,

GERONIMO

with the result that Corporal Scott was wounded. The trail of the
retreating hostiles was soon taken up by Lieutenant Benson, who
pursued * ‘south and west.” Their trail was again taken up by
Captain Lebo’s command, and later by Captain Lawton, and fin-
ally the hostiles were intercepted by the command under Captain
Hatfield “ which had been placed east of Santa Cruz, Sonora,”
for that purpose. An engagement followed in which twenty
horses were captured. But the report tells us that “unfortunate-
ly, while passing west, in a canyon, embarrassed with the cap-
tured horses,” the hostiles attacked the command and killed one
soldier. Thereupon Lieutenant Brown “pursued easterly with
good effect” — whatever that may mean. The hostiles then sep-
arated into two parties.

Thus far the “relay-pursuit-race plan” had succeeded in re-
ducing the number of hostiles opposing them to nineteen, for the
report tells us that during the fight with Captain Hatfield one
of the renegades, who had been slightly wounded, became separ-
ated from the main party and fled north to Fort Apache (250
miles) where he surrendered on June 28th. Just how the nine-
teen were divided between the two parties is not- stated, but the ac-
tivities of the troops were doubled for the reason that now there
were two relay-pursuit-races in progress simultaneously.

One of these small bands moved “north through the Dragoon
mountains” pursued successively by Lieutenants Brett, Hunt
Head, Freeman, Watson, Hughes, Shipp, Dean, Ruthers, and
Captain Nor veil — and “when near Fort Apache all of the horses
then in the hands of the raiding party were captured by Captain
Morrison.” The Indians then turned south and the pursuit was
continued “by troops under Captain Smith, Captain Doane, Lieu-
tenant Wilder and others.” “They finally recrossed the Mexi-
can border.”

The other band was “followed west” by Lieutenant Brown
and Captain Lawton and “north” by Captain Wood, Lieutenant
Davis, Captain Lebo, and Lieutenant Clark to the Catalina
mountains, where the hostiles were attacked by a company of citi-
zens led by Mariano Samaniego and “Bob” Leatherwood (my
former neighbors at Tucson), who succeeded in recovering a boy
who had been captured by the Indians. The band was then
“pressed south” by Captain Lebo, Lieutenant Davis, Captain
Lawton, and Lieutenant Bigelow, and “finally intercepted”
in the Patagonia mountains by Lieutenant Walsh, where they
suffered the loss of 4 ‘ equipment and stock. 7 7 They were then pur-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

sued by Captain Lawton and Captain Mac Adams “into Sonora
for the second time.* *

In his resume of the results achieved during these strenuous
relay-pursuit-races General Miles makes the following gracious
comment: “These movements occurred in the districts com-

manded by Colonels Royal, Shafter, Wade, and Mills, who made
excellent disposition of their troops. ’ ’ Which is a genteel way of
admitting that this “excellent disposition” of the troops failed
to dispose of a single hostile — unless we must except the wounded
warrior who, for forty-five days, wandered alone through their
lines and around their camps and finally surrendered at Fort
Apache, after having traveled an air-line distance of 250 miles.

With all of the nineteen hostiles once more in Mexico the re-
lay-pursuit-races north of the line were at an end, and General
Miles tells us that he took advantage of this period to “temporary
peace” to make a personal investigation relative to the Apache
“prisoners of war” interned at Fort Apache.

The reader will recall that I “discovered” Geronimo at
Apache Pass in June, 1876, where, for nearly four years, he had
been drawing rations with the Chiricahuas under Cochise (later
under Tah-zay and Nah-chee), and that in April, 1877, 1 arrested
and shackled Geronimo at Ojo Caliente, New Mexico, where he was
“visiting” and drawing rations with the Warm Springs (Mes-
calero) Apaches under Victorio, and that I removed the Chirica-
hua and Warm Springs Indians to the San Carlos reservation
and assigned them adjoining locations in the Gila valley. This
record is recalled for the purpose of impressing three facts, viz :
that a close friendship existed between the Indians under Cochise,
Victorio, and Geronimo; that often these bands were allies on the
war-path, and that in subsequent campaigns against the Apache
hostiles for nearly a decade it was observed that the renegades
were recruited from those three bands, as witness such names as
Victorio, Geronimo, Nah-chee, Chihuahua, Nana, Chatto, Josanie,
Loco, and others.

When I retired from the official direction of affairs at San
Carlos there were approximately 5000 Indians on that reserva-
tion. In the reports of subsequent “outbreaks” the public has
been allowed to infer that the entire mass of 5000 Indians were in-
volved. The truth is less spectacular. Not more than ten per cent
of the total were even related to the hostiles, and that percentage
was represented by the Chiricahuas and the Warm Springs —
about 500. And I am justified in saying that out of that 500 less
than ten per cent would be found aggressively involved in any at-

GEKONIMO

tempt to instigate insubordination and hostilities. As everyone
knows, the proper plan and time to quell and insurrection is to
“nip it in the bud/’ and if, at the first signs of unrest among the
Chiricahua and Warm Springs bands, the leaders — a half-dozen
or less — had been promptly and properly dealt with, the chances
are ten to one that an “outbreak” never would have material-
ized. And the safest and surest method of enforcing discipline on
the reservation and subduing defiant disturbers of the peace was
the employment of the San Carlos Police Force under sympathetic,
discreet and firm direction.

Ihese conclusions are the result of my experience with and
confidence in the San Carlos Apache Police. This force was or-
ganized by me in August, 1874, and proved to be so dependable
and efficient that within a year I felt justified in recommending
the removal of all troops from the reservation. This recommenda-
tion was complied with and the troops that had been stationed
in the vicinity of the agency left San Carlos on October 27, 1875,
under the command of Lieutenant W. II. Carter, Sixth Cavalry,
U. S. A. Thereafter the Apache Police constituted our only dis-
ciplinary force, and the military were not again called upon to
perform any police service within the reservation — until the sorry
blunder was made in connection with the Cibicu episode in Aug-
ust, 1881, — a period of six years.

As soon as General Crook recognized the fact that the rene-
gades came from the ranks of the Chiricahua and Warm Springs
Indians he, forthwith, ordered the removal of those bands from
vicinity of the sub-agency in the Gila valley to Fort Apache
(sixty miles north), where they were interned as prisoners of war
under the supervision of the commanding officer at that post.
Presumably the purpose of this removal was to enable the military
authorities to keep these Indians under constant and strict sur-
veillance and discipline and to prevent them from assisting in any
way, or communicating with the liostiles. In these circumstances
it is obvious that the outrageous conditions existing among these
Indians in July, 18S6, were the direct result of contributorv crim-
inal negligence on the part of the military authorities.

Colonel Wade was then in command at Fort Apache. On
May 3rd, General Miles had a conference with Colonel Wade at
Fort Thomas relative to the situation at Fort Apache. As a result
of that conference General Miles directed Colonel Wade, “to exert
his utmost energy to bring those Indians under control.” The sit-
uation as reported did not look good to the commanding general,
and so on July 1st, taking advantage of the “temporary peace,”’

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

General Miles made a personal visit to Fort Apache, and the ap-
palling details of the astounding conditions which he found pre-
vailing among the Chiricahuas and Warm Springs are set forth
in his annual report as follows :

“I found over 400 men, women and children, and a more tur-
bulent dissipated body of Indians I have never met. Some of
them, chiefly women, were industrious, but most of their earnings
went for trifles and “tiswin” drunks. Riots and bloodshed were
not infrequent. These Indians were on paper prisoners of war, but
they had never been disarmed or dismounted, and the stillness of
the nights was often broken by the discharge of rifles and pistols
in their savage orgies. The indolent and vicious young men and
boys were just the material to furnish warriors for the future, and
these people, although fed and clothed by the government, had
been conspiring against its authority. They had been in com-
munication with the hostiles, and some of them had been plotting
an extensive outbreak.”

Hello? Hello? Yes, that was General Miles, himself, speak-
ing officially as the Commander of the Department of Arizona.
What a fierce arraignment of General Crook’s methods of dealing
with insolent, turbulent, and defiant renegades and * 4 prisoners
of war — on paper !” And it is obvious that Colonel Wade would
be able to extract for himself a mere minimum of satisfaction — or
less — from this report.

The cruel injustice of this monstrous situation was the fact
that its bitter penalties were visited, not upon the military who
permitted it, nor upon the hostiles who fostered it, but upon the
NON-COMBATANTS — the pioneer citizens and the great mass
of the Apaches — none of whom had been afforded the least op-
portunity either to prevent or correct this barbarous menace, not
only to the peaceful enjoyment of their homes and possessions —
but to life itself.

On July 1, 1886, the garrison at Fort Apache consisted of
three troops of cavalry and two companies of infantry, and in
order to enable Colonel Wade to bring his defiant renegade pris-
oners of war “under control,” General Miles immediately ordered
one troop of cavalry from San Carlos, two troops from Fort
Thomas, and one troop from Alma, N. M., to proceed to Fort
Apache, thus giving Colonel Wade a force of seven troops of
cavalry and two companies of infantry. With this considerable
force Colonel Wade was eventually able to bring his aggregation
of well armed, well mounted, drunken, riotous, insolent star des-
perados and murderers — his prisoners of war — * ‘under control.”

JOIIX P.CLUM,

L. S. Indian Agent, with escort of Apaches, Tucson, Arizona,
November, 1874.

GERONIMO

Fort Apache was within the limits of the San Carlos reserva-
tion, and since 1883, General Crook, or ‘‘the officer authorized to
act under him,” had been “entrusted with the entire police con-
trol of all the Indians” on that reservation ; with “the control of
all prisoners,” and the duty of “keeping the peace, administer-
ing justice, punishing refractory Indians,” and “preventing the
Indians from leaving” the reservation. In these circumstances it
is impossible to explain — much less justify — the deplorable con-
ditions officially reported existing at Fort Apache on July 1,
1886. It further developed that some of those ‘ ‘ prisoners of war ’ ’
had “committed scores of murders,” and that “warrants for
their arrests were awaiting” service, and that the culprits were
thus being sheltered “from the just and legal action of the civil
courts.”

About two months later, on the belated recommendation of
General Miles and the approval of the authorities at Washington,
Colonel Wade rounded up the entire population of this renegade-
breeding-and-supply-camp — a total of 381 men, women, and chil-
dren— and escorted them to Florida, leaving Fort Apache on Sep-
tember 7th and arriving at Fort Marion on September 20, 1886.

During this period, Captain F. E. Pierce was in command at
San Carlos, and “in charge of the civil administration of the
agency by special order of the President.” If this supreme mili-
tary control of the San Carlos reservation from 1883 until 1886
had been efficiently and humanely administered in the matter
of “keeping the peace, administering justice, and punishing re-
fractory Indians,” and if their pampered “prisoners of wrar on
paper” had been dismounted and disarmed and securely guarded,
and those “principals” who were known to have “committed
scores of murders” and for whom “warrants of arrest were await-
ing,” had been speedily delivered over to “the just and legal ac-
tion of the civil courts” — if these very plain but very important
duties had been performed with an even justice to all — then it
would not have been necessary to exile the Chiricahua and Warm
Springs Apaches to Florida. But in view of the deplorable situ-
ation disclosed by the visit of General Allies to Fort Apache on
July 1, 1886, he soon decided that exile would prove the speediest
and surest remedy. Transported to Florida, their reign of insol-
ence, terror, rapine, and murder would be forever at an end. Sim-
ple justice to the citizens of the territory as well as to the great
mass of orderly Apaches on the reservation demanded some heroic
action — and General Miles finally met that demand.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Mexico was the scene of the final activities in this campaign.
General Miles says that “in the encounters with the troops, the
Indians were always defeated, but made good their escape.” The
term “defeated” seems a bit indefinite in this connection, but the
admission that the hostiles always “made good their escape” is a
splendid compliment to the “defeated nineteen” when we re-
member that they were fighting about 3000 soldiers and 300 In-
dian scouts of the American army, and an unknown number of
Mexican troops.

The wounded warrior who fled north after the Hatfield fight
arrived at Fort Apache June 28th — just in time to inform Gen-
. eral Miles that the hostiles were “in ah exhausted condition when
he left.” The General at once sent this Indian, in charge of Lieu-
tenant Gatewood, back into Mexico for the purpose of getting in
touch with the hostiles and, if possible, inducing them to surren-
der. In the meantime, the troops operating in Mexico were do-
ing their utmost to keep the renegades, on the move with the pur-
pose of further “wearing them out.”

Soon after his arrival in Mexico, Lieutenant Gatewood suc-
ceeded in communicating with Geronimo, and, incidentally, it
may be stated that Gatewood deserved far more credit for his serv-
ices in this campaign than ever was accorded him. And although
ignored, much credit is also due the wounded warrior who, not-
withstanding his strenuous experience in hourly dodging a multi-
tude of armed foes bent on his destruction during his hazardous
trek of forty-five days from Mexico to Fort Apache, at once, with-
out giving himself time for rest and recuperation, accepted the
. commission from General Miles to accompany Lieutenant Gate-
wood back to Mexico, and through whose faithful services Gate-
wood (and eventually Lawton and Miles) were placed in com-
munication with the hostiles.

Following a series of palavers Geronimo came into Captain
Lawton’s camp the latter part of August, and it was then ar-
ranged that a conference should be held with General Miles at
the mouth of Skeleton Canyon, near the international line and
about 65 miles from Fort Bowie.

It appears that about this time the matter of the disposition
of the Apache renegades was again under consideration by the
highest authorities at' Washington, for, on August 23, 1886, Presi-
dent Cleveland sent the following comment to the Secretary of
War: “I hope nothing will be done with Geronimo which will
prevent our treating him as a prisoner of war, if we cannot hang
him, whicli I would much prefer.”

GERONIMO

These words of caution indicate that President Cleveland
had reason to fear that General Miles, in his great anxiety to ef-
fect the surrender of the hostiles, would offer them terms most in-
consistent 'with their crimes.

The agreement to meet General Miles again operated as an
armistice. Some time was consumed in communicating with the
General and determining details. Then, as the report tells us,
“for eleven days. Captain Lawton’s command moved north, Ge-
ronimo’s and Nah-chee’s camp moving parallel and frequently
camping near it.” In this independent fashion the troops aiid
the hostiles reached the meeting point agreed upon. General
Miles arrived in Captain Lawton’s camp at the mouth of Skeleton
Canyon on September 3, 1886, and the records show that the
renegades “surrendered” to him on the following day.

In his “Memoirs” published in the “Cosmopolitan,” Gen-
eral Miles says: “Geronimo sent word to Lawton that he -would
surrender to the highest authority. I went down to Skeleton Can-
yon, near the Mexican line, and there met Captain Lawton’s com-
mand with the Indians camped a short distance away. Geronimo
came to me and asked what disposition would be made of him in
case he surrendered. He said if they were all to be killled he
might as well die fighting. He was told that he must surrender as
a prisoner of war; that WE DID NOT KILL OUR PRISONERS,
and that their future would depend upon the orders of the Presi-
dent at Washington. He was informed that I had directed Colo-
nel Wade to move all the Indians at the Apache agency in north-
ern Arizona out of the territory, and that he and his people would
be removed.”

The statement by General Miles that one of the conditions of
this surrender of Geronimo and his followers was “that their
future would depend upon the orders of the President at. Wash-
ington” is flatly contradicted by the report of the Secretary of
War (herein fully quoted later) which announces that “the terms
and conditions attending this surrender” prevented the punish-
ment of these criminals “as was intended by the President.”

Immediatley following this conference at Skeleton Canyon
General Miles and his bevy of loyal press agents industriously
broadcast the impression that the notorious Geronimo and his des-
perate band had been forced to submit to an UNC0NDITI0N4H
SURRENDER, whereas the record does not indicate that the
“highest authority” even ventured to make such a caustic de-
mand. He merely ‘ * told ’ ’ Geronimo 1 4 that he must surrender as
a prisoner of war,” whereupon the wily renegade chieftain de-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

manded to know just what the exalted pale-face warrior really
meant by the phrase ‘‘prisoner of war.’'

Geronimo had enjoyed the rank of “prisoner of war” under
General Crook for two years — from May, 1883, to May, 1885, and
his status under that title had allowed him nine months for raid-
ing in Mexico, and fifteen months for resting on the reservation;
had- secured for him military protection, immunity from punish-
ment, undisturbed possession of his arms, his freedom and his
^stolen stock; had provided him with ample rations and sufficient
clothing, and had exempted him from labor, or any regular duties
whatsoever. In fact, this job of part-time-renegade-prisoner-of-
war had proved very much to his liking. Now he desired to know
whether General Miles concurred in General Crook’s idea as to the
status of a “ prisoner of war ? ’ ’

Referring to “the terms and conditions” involved in this sur-
render Colonel McClintock states in his history (page 264) that
“General Miles made no concessions except that the Indians
should be joined by their families,” and that “after the theoreti-
cal surrender Nah-chee and Geronimo kept their arms and started
independently for the border.”

It must be admitted that my good friend, Colonel McClin-
tock, recorded a mouthful, as the saying goes, in those two brief
sentences. They furnish abundant food for reflection. Once more
these renegade “prisoners of war” retained their arms and

• started “independently” for the border. Furthermore, the con-
cession noted by Arizona’s historian was, probably, the “only
final” concession made by General Miles at that time, for, as-
suredly, he had already included far more important concessions
in his “terms of surrender.”

Did not General Miles assure these renegades that if they
would consent to surrender to him and go to Florida their lives
would be spared ; that all of their crimes — that long, black record
of pillage and murder — would be condoned, and that the “Great

• White Father at Washington” would protect them and provide
.for them throughout the. remainder of their lives? Did not the

Great White Father at Washington subsequently acquiesce in all
the terms and concessions made to these renegades at this time
by General Miles (with a single exception), and faithfully ob-
serve the same — even to this day? Does not this “treaty of
peace” with this band of desperate Apache criminals stand out
as the one conspicuous example wherein our great American gov-
ernment has quite literally kept faith with the Indians?

GERONIMO

In his book, Geronimo’s Story of His Life, the renegade
says that General Miles promised him that he should join his
family at Fort Marion in four or five days j that he would be given
lands and houses and horses and cattle and implements, and that
he, himself, would not have to work as long as he lived. Naturally,
Geronimo protested that his confinement, at hard labor, at Fort
Pickens for several months before he was allowed to join his fam-
ily, was a flagrant violation of his terms of surrender. Granting
this to be true, it must be admitted that the extraordinary privi-
leges and emoluments subsequently granted him throughout the
two decades he was detained as a prisoner of war, abundantly off-
set any physical fatigue or mental anguish he may have suffered
during Ids brief exile at Fort Pickens.

The press agents had rendered heroic service to the military
throughout the campaign by their graphic descriptions of the
hardships endured by the troops and the desperate character of
their savage foes, and General Miles sought to make the final scene
in the sorry drama the most spectacular event of his military
career by broadcasting the impression that he had succeeded in
crushing the ferocious monster, Geronimo, and had forced him and
his desperate band to an UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER.

At that time Major General 0. 0. Howard was in command
of the Division of the Pacific, which included the Department of
Arizona. In these circumstances it was the duty of General Miles
to report to General Howard, his immediate superior officer. He
also reported to Lieutenant-General Sheridan at Washington.

In his report dated from the Presidio, September 24„ 1886,
General Howard says: “I believed at first from official reports
that the surrender was unconditional, except that the troops
themselves would not kill the hostiles. ’ 1 * * * “ Now the con-
ditions are plain ; that the lives of all the Indians should be spared,
and that they should be sent to Fort Marion, Florida, where the
tribe, including their families, had already been ordered.” From
the foregoing it is obvious that General Howard had no thought
of any “terms,” other than an unconditional surrender, and that,
for a time, he was misled by official reports into believing that
such were the terms agreed upon.

The Secretary of War in his annual report (page 13) states
that advices of the surrender reached the President and other
authorities at Washington on September 7th, “and from inform-
ation received on that date the surrender was supposed to be un-
conditional.” Immediately, “the President ordered that all the
hostiles be kept safely as prisoners until they could be tried for

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

their crimes.” Two days later (September 9th) the authorities
a£ Washington were startled by the information that, contrary to
the President’s orders, the Indians “were already en-route to
Florida.” At once, by direction of the President, General Sheri-
dan telegraphed instructions to “stop the prisoners at San An-
tonio, Texas, and hold them securely until further orders.”

General Miles purposely allowed a dazzling aurora of the
spectacular to obscure the facts in connection with the final terms
of capitulation granted by him to this little band of nineteen
“worn out,” but “defiant,” Apache renegades under the leader-
ship of Geronimo and Nah-chee, and this willing dimming of the
truth may be rated as another unpardonable sin.

Immediately preceding the final surrender of Geronimo, Gen-
eral Miles’ startling psychology in dealing with Indian criminals
was clearly recorded by himself in connection with the history
of the “Lucky Thirteen,” — a delegation consisting of ten men
and three women of the Chiricahua and Warm Springs Apaches
from Fort Apache — who were permitted to visit Washington in
response to General Miles’ telegraphic plea of “strong military
reasons.” “This delegation contained some of the most danger-
ous of the Chiricahuas.” They were under the charge of Captain
Dorst, and were promised safe conduct to Washington and return.
The purpose was to arrange for the removal of those bands at
Fort Apache to some point outside of Arizona. The mission failed
and the delegation was ordered back to Fort Apache. To this
General Miles protested vigorously, and succeeded in having the
Indians detained at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, notwithstanding
the promise that they should return to Arizona. In defending his
protest the general said: “They were independent and defiant,
and their return to the mountains about Fort Apache would have
been worse than the letting loose of that number of wild beasts.”
.With the “Lucky Thirteen” thus safely interned in Kansas,
General Miles arranged a conference with Captain Dorst at Al-
buquerque, New Mexico, at which he directed the captain to “re-
turn to Fort Leavenworth and inform those Indians that they
could be friendly treaty Indians, or individuals; that they could
conform to t lie wishes of the government, and consent to a peace-
able removal (of their entire bands) from these territories, or they
could return and be held responsible for their crimes. As the
principals had committed scores of murders, and warrants for
their arrest were awaiting them, and they could not expect the
military to shelter them from the just and legal action of the civil
courts, the effect of this plain talk was the absolute submission

GEKONIMO

of the Indians. They agreed to go to any place I might designate,
there to wait until such time as the government should provide
them with a permanent reservation, and funds, domestic stock
and utensils, by which they could become self-sustaining. s

^Obviously, the “scores of murders” had been committed by
“the principals” a considerable time prior to their departure
for the visit to Washington at government expense and under
military protection, and, in view of these facts, the startling ques-
tion arises — unbidden — L: How long aud to what degree had- these t
“on paper prisoners or war” been sheltered by the military at
Fort Apache “from the just and legal action of the civil courts 2”
One of our ablest statesmen recently remarked that ‘ 4 when
we are in a position to compel, we do not demand,” and inasmuch
as this bunch of “ worse-than-wild-beasts” desperados, who “had
committed scores of murders,” were then bona fide prisoners —
disarmed and interned at the Kansas fort — the threats and prom-
ises made to them by General Miles appear to be without justifica-
tion. And yet, in his “plain talk” he warned them that unless
they agreed to consider themselves as “friendly treaty Indians
and accepted from the government the many good things he prom-'
ised them,— THEY WOULD BE HANGED FOR THEIR
CRIMES. It is not remarkable that the result was “absolute
submission” on the part of the Indians.

General Crook sent the leaders of the “Bloody Eleven” to’
Florida in April, and now, after having headed the “Lucky Thir-
teen” in the same direction, General Miles devoted himself to the
task of formulating acceptable terms of capitulation with the'
“Elusive Nineteen.”

The hostiles had not made any overtures of surrender, but,
when General Miles was informed that they were in an exhausted
condition he sent Lieutenant Gatewood on a trek of 250 or 30Q
miles from Fort Apache to seek out the renegade camp in Mexico
and induce the Indians to capitulate. Not being “in a position to
compel,” he “demanded” an unconditional surrender. Lieuten-
ant Ga’tewood found the hostiles and delivered this ultimatum.'
The Indians replied that they would surrender only on the same
terms granted them by General Crook — all of which meant .that
they would be allowed" to retain their arms and their liberty and
to return to the reservation without penalty of any sort. A few
days later Captain Lawton repeated the same demand to the hos-
tiles and received the same reply, from them. About two weeks*
later the final conference was held at Skeleton Canyon where
General Miles and Geronimo met fCr the first time. But when

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

•'the genial General found himself face-to-face with the genuine

• Geronimo he shifted his official gear from “high” to “second.”
He exercised his prerogative as “the highest authority;” sup-
pressed the demand for an unconditional surrender, and simply
“fold” the defiant renegade that he must once more consent to

- consider himself and his followers as prisoners of war. It was
then that Geronimo “told” General Miles that unless the rank
of prisoner of war was given an exceedingly liberal construction,
he and his followers would “die fighting.”

Unfortunately, General Miles has not left us a true copy of
■ the terms he offered to the hostiles assembled at Skeleton Canyon,

' but the known facts, together with the “terms” which he directed
: Captain Dorst to offer to the “Bloody Eleven,” justifies the as-
sumption that he addressed the “Elusive Nineteen” substantially
as follows: “The United States is a great and powerful nation.
Our troops and those of Mexico have pursued you relentlessly, and
if you persist on the war-path the pursuit will also persist, and
sooner or later you will all be destroyed. You know this will hap-
pen. Although you have eluded these troops for months, you
know that your small band of only nineteen cannot successfully
oppose the armies of two nations for an indefinite period. You
have already endured many hardships, and you live in a state of
perpetual fear and danger, and this situation will continue to
grow worse as long as you follow the war-path. You know that
the families of Geronimo and Nah-chee and some of the rest of
you have been at Port Marion, Florida, since last April, where
they are well cared for, and I have just ordered Colonel Wade to
remove all of your relatives and friends — abdut 400 — from Fort

• Apache to Fort Marion. Thus you see that nearly 500 of your
relatives and friends — all Chiricaliua and Warm Springs
Apaches — will be at Fort Marion within a very short time, where
they will be protected and provided for, but none of them will
ever be able to join your band, or give you any assistance. I can-

- not take you back to the San Carlos reservation, but I can take
you to Fort Marion where you will be re-united with your fami-
lies and friends. Iam sure you believe that that 1 have spoken
the truth, and that my words have sounded good in your ears,
and that they have already caused a friendly feeling in your
hearts — so that now all of you are in a mood to listen without sus-
picion to the terms 1 am about to offer you. Captain Lawton
and Lieutenant Gatewood and I# as you know, are officers in the
United States Army. We speak the truth. We are honorable
men. We do not kill our prisoners. Therefore listen to my last

GERONIMO

words with good ears and friendly hearts, for these are the terms
I offer you. ‘ That you shall surrender to me here and now as
friendly treaty Indians; that you shall consent to go at once to
join your families and friends at Fort Marion — about four or
five days' travel from Bowie station — there to wait until such
time as the government shall provide you with a permanent res-
ervation, and funds, domestic stock, and utensils by which you
may become self-supporting."

This sort of a persuasive and convincing talk would be a
proper argument to be advanced by one who assumed the moral
right to transform Indian criminals — multi-murderers — into
“friendly treaty Indians" by a mere flash of some mystic power
with which his sinuous psychology had augmented his official au-
thority as Department Commander.

In fact, it does not appear that General Miles was inclined
to be any more rude in his treatment of the renegades than Gen-
eral Crook had been. Nevertheless, he finally succeeded in per-
suading this motley band of distressed but defiant Apache rene-
gades to consent to leave Arizona, and — when they wrere ready to
board the train — to surrender their arms, inasmuch as they were
going to a country where they would have no use for such offen-
sive and defensive weapons.

However, in any comparison of -this nature we must not over-
look the fact that General Crook actually led a campaign into
Mexico in person, while General Miles permitted Captain Lawton
and his command to do all the hard work, reserving for himself
the hazardous tasks of making concessions to the renegades, and
later — accepting the gold sword.

Concerning the personalities of Geronimo and Nah-cliee Gen-
eral Miles says :

“There seldom appeared a more ruthless marauder than
Geronimo. He had the most determined face and piercing eye
that I have ever seen. Natchez (Nah-chee) was the hereditary
chief of the Apaches, a tall, slender young warrior, whose dignity
and grace of movement would become any prince."

Geronimo and those taken with him entrained at Bowie Sta-
tion, about fifteen miles northeast from Apache Pass. At San
Antonio, Texas, this party was halted and removed to Fort Sam
Houston, where they were detained for about six weeks, a time
during which General Miles was kept very busy explaining his
“terms of surrender" to the higher authorities at Washington —
and the said high authorities were equally busy endeavoring to
decide what they were going to do about it.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Billy Breakenridge was Deputy United States Marshal at
the time Geronimo made his final capitulation with General Milrs,
and in his recent book he says: “Geronimo — the wily old scoun-
drel— before he would surrender made the general promise he
would not turn them over to the civil authorities for trial for the
murders committed by them while they were on the war-path.
“When General Miles arrived at the railroad station at Bowie
with his prisoners to deport them to Florida, I was sent there with
a warrant for Geronimo, Natchez (Nah-chee), Dutchy and Chatto,
charging them with murder. True to his agreement with them
the general refused to let me have them, and they were deported.
There was plenty of proof against them and no doubt they would
have been hanged if they could have been brought to trial. This
was in September, 1886.”

And now let us read another thrilling chapter which is
recorded on pages 13 and 14 of the annual report of the Honor-
able Secretary of War as follows:

“The terms and conditions attending this surrender were
such that Geronimo and those of his band who had committed
murders and acts of violence in Arizona and New Mexico could
not properly be handed over to the civil authorities for punish-
ment, as was intended by the President, and therefore, on the 19th
day of October, orders were issued, by direction of the President,
that Geronimo and the fourteen Apache adult Indians captured
with him, should be sent from San Antonio, Texas, under proper
guard, to Fort Pickens, Florida, there to be kept in close custody
until further orders.”

“The Indians had been guilty of the worst crimes known to
the law, committed under circumstances of great atrocity, and the
public safety required that they should be removed far from the
scenes of their depredations and guarded with the strictest vigil-
ance.”

Can you imagine anything more startling? Think it over.
Who sheltered these criminals from the just and legal action of
the civil courts ? And do you recall the situation at Fort Apache as
disclosed by General Miles? There were those “principals” who
had “committed scores of murders,” masquerading as prisoners
of war under the protection of the military, but absolutely out of
control, fully armed, well mounted, dissipated, turbulent, indulg-
ing^ savage, mid-night orgies, riot and bloodshed, conspiring
against the authority of the government, and free at any moment
to pounce upon the unprotected citizens of Arizona. Such was
the situation at Fort Apache on July 1, 1886. The following Oc-

GERONIMO

tober, when the last of the renegades had been interned at Fort
Pickens, Florida, then “the public safety” demanded that they
should be “guarded with the strictest vigilance.” Can you match

it? # i-ii

Geronimo and Nah-chee and the thirteen other hostiles 'who
were included in the final surrender reached Fort Pickens, Flori-
da, October 26, 1886, and the eleven women and children belong-
ing to this party arrived at Fort Marion the same date. Mangus
with two men and eight women and children surrendered at Fort
Apache about the middle of October. The eight women and chil-
dren were sent to Fort Marion, and Mangus and one man reached
Fort Pickens on November 6th, — the other man having died en-
route.

The official records show that on November 30, 1886, there
were 448 men, women, and children belonging to the Chiricahua
and Warm Springs bands detained as prisoners of war at Fort
Marion. Seventeen men were confined at Fort Pickens, and forty-
four children were at the Carlisle Indian School.

The world-wide advertised campaign against Geronimo was
far from being a desperate, bloody warfare. On the contrary, it
was little more than a relay-pursuit-race on the part of the troops
— in which but few of them ever even saw a hostile. The fighting
force of the renegades was, comparatively, very small. In the
campaign of 1885-1886 General Crook commanded 3000 troops
and 300 Indian scouts, and was opposed by forty-two warriors.
When General Miles assumed command of the American forces
he was opposed by twenty warriors. The raiding parties of the
hostiles were small — usually from a half-dozen to a dozen. Like-
wise, the pursuing troops were divided into small commands, and
these, when fatigued, were relieved by fresh troops whenever
possible. The hostiles simply had to keep on going. There was
never anything like a decisive engagement. The Apache scouts —
who always served as the faithful and efficient pathfinders and
advance guard for the troops — occasionally surprised a renegade
camp and exchanged shots with the hostiles, but the troops were
seldom on the firing line. The activities of the troops involved a
maximum of trailing and a minimum of fighting. In the cam-
paign under General Miles the casualties among the soldiers
totaled two — one killed and one wounded. The casualties to the
hostiles were nil. The heavy mortality was among the citizens —
the non-combatants. General Crook says the “Bloody Eleven”
murdered thirty-eight citizens within four weeks. General Miles
says “during the year the hostile Indians had killed 140 persons. ”

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

If the term “ persons” includes soldiers and Indian scouts, these
would represent an exceedingly small percentage of the total
killed.

This situation furnished the drabbest sort of material for the
army of ambitious press agents. They craved the stuff that reeked
with the dramatic, romantic, heroic, picturesque, and spectacular,
and so they pictured the gruelling marches, the burning sands,
the bristling cactus, the blistering sun, the rugged mountain
trails, and the ferocious character of the hostile Apache demons —
whom only a very few of the valiant pursuers ever had even a
glimpse of. And thus during the last four decades this host of
romantic press agents and their successors have persisted in broad-
casting the impression that anyone in any way connected with
these military campaigns against Geronimo is, automatically, en-
titled to recognition as an Indian Fighter of heroic proportions.

General Crook and General Miles each brought to Arizona a
well earned and enviable military record, and it is most regretable
that both of these records should have been marred by fruitless
endeavors to appear as a spectacular pseudo-hero in connection
with the pursuit and subjugation of a small band of hostile
Apaches under the renegade leadership of Geronimo. A similar
ambition on the part of younger officers would be readily under-
stood. From the close of the Civil War in 1865 until the beginning
of the war with Spain in 1898, the only opportunity for an army
officer to make an honest-to-goodness “military record” for him-
self was a “An Indian Fighter” — and, believe me, they made
the most of every such opportunity. It would be highly entertain-
ing to know how many promotions and pensions have been dealt
out by our gullible government as “rewards” for “services in
the campaigns against Geronimo,” — and the end is not yet
reached.

It is true that, occasionally, a command in pursuit of the hos-
tiles executed a “gruelling march,” but what frontiersman has
not done the same — without pay, or hope of promotion and pen-
sion? Moreover, if these troops had not been trailing Geronimo
they would have been vegitating at the Army Posts — with no “op-
portunities.” On the trail they had fresh air and sunshine and
healthful exercise — and opportunities — and friendly press agents
to exaggerate the “hardships,” well knowing that every exagger-
ation was an added boost toward promotion.

Another thing. We have heard much of the “gruelling
marches” and “tests of endurance” by the troops on the trail of
Geronimo, — but listen ! A group of hikers are engaged in a trans-

— — - — — rrsprr-

GERONIMO

continental marathon contest from Los Angeles to New York. At
this writing fifty-five contestants are still in the game. They are
now in PennsjTvania, 73 days out from Los Angeles, and have
walked 2900 miles. This is an average of 40 miles per day for 73
consecutive days in all kinds of weather — and they are still going
strong. The remarkable record established by these men on foot
make the much advertised “tests of endurance” performed by the
mounted troops look like “daily dozens” in a kindergarten.

Frequentl}” it has been asked why the citizens of Arizona
submitted to this system of persistent protection and perpetual
pardoning of the Apache renegades. As a matter of fact, there
were many vigorous — even violent — protests, but these were ut-
terly unavailing for the reason that at that time General Crook
had" the authority and the force “to manage the Apaches in his
own way. ’ ’ In the circumstances it is not surprising that the citi-
zens should, at times, become almost desperate.

At least once within my personal experience they reached
a state of mind that was positively dangerous — when the thirst
for revenge dethroned reason. As heretofore stated, I was living
in Tombstone in May, 1885, when Geronimo and his followers
made their last break from the reservation and fled past Tomb-
stone into Mexico. Immediately following that outbreak there
was intense excitement in and about Tombstone, and a deplorable
movement developed which had for its object the organization of a
strong force of citizens who were to march forthwith to the San
Carlos reservation and there slaughter every Indian they met. It
was not popular, nor altogether safe, to oppose this movement ; but
I did, and on May 28, 1885, I published a signed article in the
Tombstone Epitaph calling attention to the fact that of the, ap-
proximately, 5000 Indians then on the San Carlos reservation, a
large majority had been on that reservation and at peace for more
than ten years, while fully half of them had not been on the war-
pat for upwards of twenty years. I warned my fellow citizens
that the guilty parties were then “safe from any attack that
might be made upon the reservation;” that the proper parties to
attack were “the renegades, ‘the prisoners of war,’ and those who
had thus stupidly and criminally allowed them their liberty.”
The following are excerpts from my published statement :

“It is most remarkable that these desperate renegades after
being held as ‘prisoners of war’ for over a year, should suddenly
take the war-path better equipped than ever before. It is most
remarkable, and far from creditable to the military chieftains who
have thus allowed their desperate prisoners to slip away from

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

• 32

them almost without their knowledge. In time of actual war what
would be done with the general who would thus arm (or fail t<»
disarm) his ‘prisoners of war’ and allow them to escape?

I believe the majority of the Indians at San Carlos are in no
way connected with or responsible for our present Indian trou-
bles, and I as fully believe that the men— both civil and mili-
tary— who have thus repeatedly given Geronimo and his fol-
lowers their liberty, knowing their desperate character and tin*
murders they have committed, are equally guilty — are accom-
plices before the fact — in all the murders committed by these sav-
age renegades who could have been and should have been shot or
hung six years ago.

Arizona cannot afford to massacre 4,000 or 5,000 peaceably
inclined Indians because white men, whose duty it was to guard
and punish renegades, have so shamelessly failed in their duty.2”

About a month after appearing in the Epitaph the statement above referred
to was published in full in one cf the local papers of Washington, D. C.

On one or two occasions individual communications were
published advocating that the government offer a substantial
bounty for every Apache scalp brought in, but such barbarous
suggestions had no popular support.

The territorial press cried out against the depredations com-
mitted by the hostiles, but, as a rule, the editorials were conserva-
tive in the matter of suggesting a remedy. Occasionally, however,
an editor seemingly lost sight of his better judgment and beat the
air with his rantings. The most conspicuous example of this form
of temporary insanity was furnished by the Tucson Star in its is-
sue of August 12, 1882.

The record shows that on August 11, 1882, a press dispatch
was sent from New lork to San Francisco and quoted in the
Tucson Star as folio ays :

.“It has been learned by government officials that a secret or-
ganization of 1200 men has been formed in Arizona avIio are bound
by oath, in case any more raids are made and murders committed
by Apaches, to enter the reservation and slaughter men, Avomcn
and children.”

1 he next day, August 12, 1882, the Tucson Star published
the following editorial comment :

“When they (the Indians) kill our women and children we
propose to kill theirs. It is a cruel alternative, but we are forced
to it by the law of self-preservation. Are the lives of these savages
worth more than the lives of white people? Does civilization and
humanity require us to submit to the murder of our women and

GERONIMO

children because the savages know we revolt at the idea of retaliat-
ing in kind? We say again that it is a cruel alternative, but it is
the only one we have. The government will not restrain the sav-
ages. The people of Arizona are forced to do it themselves. But
the proposition is not simply to kill the women and children of the
San Carlos reservation. It is to kill every Indian on it, male and
female, big and little. It is, briefly, to exterminate the tiger’s
brood, root and branch.”

It is impossible to conceive how the editorial management of
the Star could arrive at conclusions and a state of mind that would
justify the sponsoring of such an inhuman and absurd proposi-
tion. That it was inhuman needs no argument. And it was ab-
surd because it was impracticable, as well as practically impossi-
ble. It was easy enough to exterminate upwards of 5000 Apaches
with a single stroke of the Star’s editorial pen, but it would have
developed into an enterprise of stupendous proportions if it had
been undertaken with the Star ’s editorial gun. If the Star’s mon-
strous proposition had actually been set on foot and a phalanx of
exterminators had been organized they would have had to over-
come that great mass of friendly Apaches and the available troops,
as well as the armed opposition of the sensible citizens — and there
was a goodly throng of citizens who would have qualified in that
class — even in 18S2.

Another thing. Away back in the early 60 ’s our govern-
ment assigned the very delicate job of exterminating the Apaches
to the regular army, and, although the troops were aided occasion-
ally in this deadly process of elimination by enterprising and ad-
venturous pioneers, the exceedingly discouraging results of the
gruesome undertaking are indicated in the report of President
Grant’s Board of Indian Commissioners dated at Washington, D.
C., December 12, 1871, as follows:

“Much of the time since then (the Gadsden pur-
chase), the attempt to exterminate them (the Apaches)
has been carried on, at a cost of from three to four mil-
lions of dollars per annum, with no appreciable progress
being made in their extermination.”

The Star’s vicious editorial will appear the more reprehensi-
ble when it is recalled that a company of fifty-four San Carlos
Apache Police (en route for duty in connection with the removal
of the Chirieahuas) spent a week in Tucson in May, 1876, during
which time they entertained the citizens with a realistic Apache
war-dance, and, as a token of approbation and good will, were pre-
sented with uniforms — the cost of which was met by popular sub-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

script] on. And again, on February 20, 1877, a company of six',’.
San Carlos Police arrived in Tucson, and within three daw
Governor Safford had enrolled this fine body of stalwart A pach -
as TERRITORIAL MILITIA and dispatched them into south
eastern Arizona for the purpose of apprehending the hostiles ami
protecting the citizens of Arizona against their depredations.
These two episodes record two important pages in Tucson \s local
history, and the editor of the Star should have reviewed tlio
pages before he let go his editorial of August 12, 1882.

The smallness of greatness and the fact that the human fam-
ily is often actuated by emotion rather than reason are aptly illus-
trated by the manner in which the citizens of Tucson, Arizona, ex-
pressed their appreciation of the services rendered by General
Crook, and General Miles in their respective campaigns against
Geronirno. After the return of General Crook from Mexico in 1SS3,
a public reception and banquet was tendered him at Tucson in
recognition and honor of his “capture of Geronirno” and his des-
perate gang. Again, on November 8, 1887, the citizens of Tucson
celebrated another and more recent “capture of Geronirno” with
a brilliant reception and banquet at which General Miles was the
guest of honor, at the same time giving further expression of their
exubeiance of gratitude and kowtowitis by presenting the General
with a Tiffany sword. In his “Memoirs'” General Miles admits
that the sword was an exceedingly handsome one. In describing it
he says : 1 he Damascus blade, grip, and large India star sapphire
are the only parts of the sword and scabbard not made of gold.
Its beauty of design and most artistic workmanship render it a
treasure as well as a valuable work of art.”

Geronirno s Story of His Life” is a blood-stained narrative.
Duiing at least a quarter of a century he was chiefly occupied with
raids of murder and pillage. He had a passion for killing and steal-
mg, an^ favorite pastime was raiding in Mexico. For three
decades these raids were almost annual occurrences. lie admits
that some of these expeditions were unsuccessful, and that he re-
turned from one with “a very severe headache.” Nevertheless,
lie was always eager for another dash into Mexico, and the lure of
the blood-red trail evidently beckoned him to the end, for at the
close of a chapter on this subject he says: “I am old and shall
never go on the war-path again, but if I were voung, and followed
the war-path, it would lead into Old Mexico.”

Geronirno says his first visit to Mexico was in 1858, with a
band of Apaches under Chief Mangus-Colorado (killed at Apache
iejo, N. M., in 1863) for the purpose of “trading.” Their camp

GERONIMO

was attacked by Mexican troops who killed many of the Indians.
Returning to camp, Geronimo found his mother, his wife, and his
three small children among the dead. Thereupon he vowed a
revenge that was never satiated. No matter how many Mexicans
were killed by his raiding parties he was still eager to slay more.
He records one* fight with two companies of Mexican troops
(about 1875) in which every trooper was killed. Again “about
1880/’ (?) their camp south of Casa Grande was attacked by
twenty-four Mexican soldiers. The Indians numbered about forty
warriors. All of the soldiers and twelve of the Indians were
killed. Sometimes the Indians suffered severe losses, and some-
times they carried home sufficient plunder to last the entire tribe
a year. If we believe Geronimo ’s own story, he delighted in the
business of killing and stealing — and persisted in that business.
He had no other occupation. He was many times a murderer and
richly deserved the hangman ’s noose.

The last time I saw Geronimo was at Mount Vernon Barracks,
Alabama, where I visited him in January, 1894. At that time I
was connected with the Post Office Department at Washington,
D. C. Soon after my return to Washington from this visit to the
camp of the Chirieahuas I encountered a newspaper reporter in
search of a story. That interview was published in the Washing-
ton Evening Star on January 29, 1894. Inasmuch as the details
presented were the result of my personal observations 1 deem it
worth while to include in this story the following excerpts from
that interview :

Mr. John P. Glum, of the Post Office Department, who re-
cently spent some time at the camp of the renegade Apaches at
Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama, was in the lobby of the Wil-
lard Hotel last night. To a reporter for The Star, he said : ‘ ‘ While
[ was down in Alabama I took a day off and visited the Apaches,
who are now held as prisoners of war at Mount Vernon Barracks.
Yes, I saw Geronimo, but he was not in irons. He did not insist on
retaining the manacles with which 1 presented him at Ojo Cali-
ente. They were taken off soon after 1 left the agency in ’77. You
know his subsequent history. lie left the reservation two or three
times on raids. In 1SSI and 1885 I was with parties of citizens who
followed his trail to the Mexican line. In 1886, he made his final
stand and surrendered to General Miles, when he and his entire
band of renegades, men, women, and children, were sent to Flori-
da. Later they were transferred to their present location in Ala-
bama. I have always contended that the old renegade deserved

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

a much severer punishment than he received ; but that is another
story, as Kipling would say.

“The mortality among these Indians for a year or two after
their removal from Arizona was very great, and but little was
done to better their condition until about three years ago, wh'n
they were placed under the care of Captain Wotherspoon *of Ir-
regular army. It is true that these Indians are exiled Apache
renegades, but it was Captain Wotherspoon ’s duty to receive them
as prisoners of war of a civilized nation, and his wise and humane
management of this little colony of red men and the beneficial re-
sults already secured cannot be too highly commended. The In-
dians have been located in a permanent camp or settlement on a
ridge about half a mile west of the military post. Seven tv-fiw
frame houses have been constructed, and each Indian family is
now provided with a comfortable home. Each house is divided
into two rooms, in one of which is a large cooking range, and in
the other a comfortable fireplace. The furniture is plain, but
suitable and sufficient.

“I was invited to inspect a number of the houses and was
surprised at the absolute cleanliness required of and observed by
these Indians. Every Saturday is house-cleaning day, and when
the official inspection is made each Sunday morning there must
not be found enough dust to soil a white glove. The women do
ci editable laundry work, and the bed linen and all the articles of
wearing apparel are kept scrupulously clean. The Indians haw
adopted the civilized style or dress, and the men have their hair
cut short. I was told that the hair cutting was entirely volun-
tary. In the matter of personal cleanliness all the Indians are re-
quired to bathe at least once a week, and I was informed that
Nah-chee and one or two others of the Indian soldiers take their
dadv bath with as much care, regularity, and evident satisfaction
as the most exquisite of the famous ‘400. J This is certainly a
marked contrast with the wild wickie-up life of a renegade.” *

I>y the way,” said Mr. Clum, “there are some interesting
pages in the history of this young chief Nah-chee. His brother,
Tah-zay, is buried here in the Congressional cemetery. Tah-zay
was here with me in 1876, and died of pneumonia. Nah-chee shows
a disposition to pulmonary trouble. The father of these boys was
Cochise, the stalwart old warrior after whom Cochise County in
Arizona is named.

Company I of the 12th Infantry, U. S. A., has been enlisted
from these Indians, which is commanded by Captain Wother-
spoon, and Nah-cliee is the first sergeant. The company quarters.

GERONIMO

mess hall, amusement room and gymnasium are located on the
same ridge with the houses, and form a part of the Indian village.
Strict military discipline is observed with this company and per-
fect order and cleanliness was manifest. The company drills
once and sometimes twice daily, and is said to be proficient in
the manual of arms and company evolutions. All commands are
given in English. About once a week this Indian company drills
with the white troops in battalion maneuvers.

‘‘There is a guard house at the settlement, and all refrac-
tory Indians are arrested by the Indian soldiers and all prisoners
are guarded by them. Geronimo now occupies the position of al-
calde, or justice of the peace, and all cases of minor offenses are
tried before him. llis decisions have given general satisfaction.
He has sentenced some to six months in the guard house, which is,
I think, about as long a time as the old man was ever in confine-
ment himself at any one time. There is a good school adjacent to
the settlement, under the direction of two efficient teachers, where
all children are afforded the advantages of an English education.
About fifty of the children from this colony are now at the Carlisle
school.

“These Indian prisoners of war are virtually on parole. They
are not confined or guarded, and are allowed to come and go when
and where they please, provided only that their conduct is proper.
As 1 have said before, discipline is enforced by the Indians them-
selves. The men are allowed to work out by the day whenever they
can find employment, and some of the women do washing for the
soldiers.

“The Indian soldiers, of course, get the pay and allowances of
regulars. Many of the women do bead and basket work, and old
Geronimo picks up many a dollar by selling pictures of himself
and small bows and arrows, which he embellishes with his name,
lie presented me wi h one of these bows, duly autographed, and
two small arrows, but these lacked the keen-edged tip formerly
used by the Apaches on the old Arizona trails. This diminutive
set of toy weapons was tendered as a good will offering by “Gero-
nimo, the justice of the peace,” and was in decided contrast with
the scene at Ojo Caliente, seventeen years ago, when I wrenched
that deadly needle-gun from the grasp of “Geronimo, the rene-
gade.”

“Several other Indian chiefs, well known in Arizona and
New Mexico, are at Mount Vernon. Among these are Nan-nay,
now almost blind, and Chihuahua, who is badly shot up about the

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

arms, and who is recognized as the dude and politician of the
camp.

4 ‘The more recent acquisitions of the colony are Captain
Chiquito and my old friend Es-kim-in-zin, whose history is as in-
teresting as it is sad. I may tell you about him at some other time.
I believe that Es-kim-in-zin is held a prisoner of war under a mis-
apprehension of the facts, and I am satisfied that Captain Wother-
spoon shares this opinion with me. Es-kim-in-zin now has charge
of the Indians’ gardens, and their thrifty condition reflects great
credit on his intelligence and industry.

“The future of this Indian colony is a matter of much inter-
est. The children who came with the renegades eight years ago
are now young men and women, and many children have been
born since. They have no possessions, no responsibilities, no
obligations, excepting that of orderly personal conduct. This
isn’t a satisfactory or desirable condition. They ask for farms in
order that they may apply themselves and acquire possessions and
independence. Some step of this kind should be taken. The
transgressions of the fathers should not be visited upon the chil-
dren. The Apaches are mountain Indians, and they do not like
that forest section of Alabama where they can see only in one di-
rection, and that is straight up.”
*******

Do you realize, gentle reader, that the population of
the model Apache encampment we have just visited at Mount
Vernon Barracks was made up largely of the identical In-
dians who composed the brutal and riotous mob at Fort Apache ?
In Arizona they were insolent, defiant, turbulent, indulging in
midnight orgies and bloodshed — absolutely out of control. In
Alabama we find them living in a civilized, cleanly and orderly
manner, subject to an excellent system of discipline “enforced by
the Indians themselves”, wherein arrests were made by Apache
soldiers and offenders tried before an Apache judge and prison-
ers remanded to the custody of Apache guards, the people living
in well kept houses, the children attending schools and the adults
ambitious to own land and become independent.

Some might exclaim that a miracle had been wrought in Ala-
bama, but, as a matter of fact, the marvelous transformation dem-
onstrated at Mount Vernon Barracks is explained by the magic
word, ‘ADMINISTRATION.” Obviously at Fort Apache there
was none. At Mount Vernon these identical Indians were placed
under the firm, kindly, thoughtful and intelligent care and di-
rection of Captain Wotherspoon, and the average reader will be

GERONIMO

astounded to note how promptly and willingly these Indians re-
sponded to an administration — the evident purpose of which was
to secure the greatest benefits possible for those administered to.
No more convincing illustration could be produced in support of
the opinion I have expressed from the time of my earliest associa-
tion with these Indians, viz : That if the Apaches were given a fair
chance, under firm, just, intelligent and sympathetic direction,
their orderly development and gradual progress would be as-
sured.

After being held about five years at Mount Vernon Barracks,
the Chiricaliuas were removed to Fort Sill, Oklahoma, where they
■were permanently established; given reasonable allotments of
land, and otherwise suitably provided for.

In the meantime the name and general character of Geronimo
had become so well known throughout the country that he was re-
graded as a most valuable asset as an attraction at prominent pub-
lic affairs where efforts were made to secure the largest attend-
ance possible. 'With this worthy object in view he was taken
to the Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition at Omaha
in 1898; to the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo in 1901, and
to the St. Louis World ’s Fair in 1904, and the fact that the no-
torious ex-renegade Apache chief would appear as a special ex-
hibit at those expositions was widely advertised in advance, as
well as during the periods when those respective expositions were
in progress. The morbid public, having been duly advised of the
presence of this extraordinary attraction, were eager to see the
genial representative of many a blood-red trail, shake hands with
him, talk to him, and to purchase from him his photograph, or his
autograph — or whatever souvenirs of a renegade character the
cunning old rascal might have for sale. Geronimo, being thrifty,
smiled benignly as the silver coins flowed into his ample wallet,
and, being human, was greatly pleased and flattered by the at-
tention shown him — and regarded his visits to these expositions
as pretty soft assignments for a prisoner of war.

In the absence of definite information relative to the persist-
ent assertion that Geronimo had served a term as “scout” in the
regular army during the period he was detained by the govern-
ment as a prisoner of war, the following interrogation was sent to
the War Department: “Was Geronimo, Apache Indian, carried
on the pay rolls of the War Department as a ‘scout’ at any time
after being sent out of Arizona?” Under date of Washington,
D. C., June 25, 1926, Adjutant General Robert C. Davis sent the
following reply :

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

“Nothing is found to show expressly that the Apache Chief
Geronimo was ever on the pay roll of the army, but it seems prob-
able that he was enlisted and paid as an army scout at Fort Sill
I. T., between June 11, 1897, and June 10, 1900. He was sent
from Mt. Vernon Barracks to Fort Sill, where he remained until
his death. The records show that one Geronimo, born in Arizona,
age 63, was enlisted at Fort Sill, I. T., June 11, 1897, as an Indian
scout, to serve three years, and was discharged there June 10,
1900. Geronimo, the Apache chief, died at Fort Sill February
17, 1909.”

The average American citizen will accept the above state-
ment as showing “expressly” that for three years during the
period Geronimo was held as a prisoner of war he enjoyed the
rank, pay, and emoluments of a “scout” in the regular army.
There was no other “Geronimo” in the list of Apaches detained at
Fort Sill, and “Geronimo, born in Arizona, age 63,” is a descrip-
tion that exactly fits “Geronimo — the renegade,” alias “Gero-
nimo—the prisoner of war,” alias “Geronimo — the justice of the
peace” alias “Geronimo — the Indian scout.”

Recently I requested the adjutant general to advise me as to
the pay received and the duties performed by Geronimo during
the three years he served his country as an Indian scout. Under
date of Washington, D. C., February 17, 1928, Adjutant General
Lutz Wahl replied as follows:

“Geronimo, the Apache leader, while interned at Fort Sill,
Indian Territory, was enlisted there in the U. S. Army as an In-
dian scout. lie held the rank of private during his service. * * *
Indian scouts received the pay and allowances of cavalry sol-
diers. * * * Eleven other Indians were enlisted there as scouts
at the same time. * * * The enlistment of Indians as scouts
(soldiers) was authorized by Section 6 of an Act of Congress ap-
proved July 28, 1866.

Nothing is known here of any particular duties performed
by Geronimo while he was an enlisted scout. He probably per-
formed no regular duties. He was at the Omaha Exposition from
September 9 to October 30, 1898.”

It is interesting to note that General Wahl has eliminated
such harsh designations as “renegade,” “hostile” or “prisoner
of war” and mildly states that “Geronimo, the Apache leader,
while interned at Fort Sill, was enlisted in the U. S. Army as an
Indian scout ;” that he held the rank and received the pay and al-
lowances of a cavalry soldier ; that he probably performed no reg-
ular duties, and that during the period he was serving as a

GERONIMO

“scout” (and interned at Fort Sill) lie was permitted to spend
nearly, two months at the Omaha Exposition.

While in Arizona, Geronimo was restricted to the spectacular
dual' role of renegade and prisoner of war, but at Mt. Vernon
Barracks and at Fort Sill he was advanced to a triple role in the
great drama, he having acted as justice cf the peace at the former
camp, and a scout at Fort Sill.

In this connection I cannot resist comparing the favors shown
(Jeronimo with the absolute neglect that has been the lot of Tuu-
cl-cly-ee, that faithful and efficient member of the San Carlos
Police Force. On December 22, 1875, Dis-a-lin, a prominent
young chief, ran amuck at the San Carlos agency in a frenzied at-
tempt to kill the agent, the chief clerk, and the chief oi police.
Although related to the young chief, Tau-el-ely-ee promptly shot
and killed Dis-a-lin. In June, 1876, Tau-el-cly-ee was designated
s Tgeant of the company of Apache Police that accompanied me to
Apache Pass in connection with the removal of the Chiricahuas.
There, with twenty men he captured the murderer Pi-on-se-nay
and brought him in to the agency, and later acted as special guard
while conveying Pi-on-se-nay en route to Tucson — until the pris-
oner was transferred to the custody of the deputy sheriffs of
Pima county. These are examples of his loyal and efficient serv-
ices. Nevertheless, for }’ears he has wandered about the mining
ramps of Globe and Miami, old, decrepit, almost blind — an object
of charity. On several occasions I have contributed funds for the
relief of Tau-el-cly-ee. He was denied a pension because he was
never enrolled in the army. How easy it would have been to
remedy this situation by enlisting Tau-el-cly-ee as an “Indian
scout” — a la Geronimo. The “pay and allowances of a cavalry
v j.lier” would have taken care of him handsomely for three years
and thereafter he would have been eligible for a pension.

Geronimo never betrayed a penchant for hard labor but he
'lid develop a remarkable aptitude for intercepting the nimble
dollar. Down at Mount Vernon Barracks, soon after he had de-
eded that the pen is mightier than the needle-gun, lie learned to
print his name — using only capital letters. V lien I visited Mount
Vernon in 1894 I found the wily Apache “justice of the peace”

1 id established a fairly lucrative business as a commercial pub-
h'.utv agent. He made small bows with two arrows. On the bow
1 •' placed his autograph. lie also had autographed photographs
*■ 1 himself. Visitors to the barracks and travelers at the railway
‘ot ion were given frequent opportunities to purchase either or
!*»th of these autographed articles. Geronimo said that business

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

was not too bad. lie was acting as his own publicity agent and
allowing the public to pay for it. Thereafter Geronimo always
had a supply of autographed photographs to exchange for silwr
coins. I have been told he would sell the buttons from his coat,
or sell his hat for silver coins. I don’t blame him. I would do the
same. Mr. Burbank paid him to sit for his portrait, and he told
Mr. Barrett he would tell him the story of his life if he (Barrett)
would pay him. The three years during which he drew the pay
and allowances of a cavalry soldier, with no regular duties to per-
form, added much to his peace and prosperity, while, at the same
time, his new rank and uniform as “Indian scout” served as a
boost to the autograph and photograph business. But the peak
of his business opportunities were the periods he was permitted

to spend at the Omaha, Buffalo, and St. Louis Expositions. 11 is
presence at these big shows had been conspicuously announced,
and the dear people wanted to see him, and talk with him, and to
trade with him — and Geronimo never neglected his own business.
He says in his book that at first he did not want to go to the St.
Louis World’s Fair, but when assured that he would “receive
good attention and protection” he consented ; that permission was
obtained from the President, and that he remained six months at
the Fair in charge of representatives of the Indian Department.

Regarding his personal business at the Fair, Geronimo says:
“I sold my photographs for twenty-five cents, and was allowed
to keep ten cents of this for myself. I also wrote my name for ten,
fifteen, or twenty-five cents, as the case might be, and kept all
of that money * * * when I returned I had plenty of money —
more than I had ever owned before. ’ ’

Unfortunately, I have not been able to obtain any authentic
statement as to the revenue Geronimo received in royalties or
otherwise from the publication of his book, but enough has been
presented to indicate that this noted Apache leader was fairly suc-
cessful from a business standpoint, notwithstanding the handicap
under which he labored owing to his status as an ex-renegade and
“prisoner of war.”

A number of excellent portraits of Geronimo have been
painted by Mr. E. A. Burbank, an artist of rare ability. Mr. Bur-
bank spent considerable time at Fort Sill and arranged with the
noted Apache chief for several sittings. In compensation for sit-
tings for the first two portraits Mr. Burbank says he gave Ge-
ronimo five dollars, a chair, and a sack of grain, and subsequently
he paid him five dollars for each sitting of six hours. The art isl-
and his Apache subject became great friends, and Air. Burbank

GERONIMO

tells me that Geronimo was always genial, courteous, and frank
in his manner, kind to his family, and that he met every appoint-
ment with exact promptness. And, as a matter of fact, I recognize
that Mr. Burbank discovered in Geronimo traits -that are charac-
teristic of the Apache race.

The most spectacular exhibition of Geronimo was his ap-
pearance in the military parade on the occasion of the inaugura-
tion of Theodore Roosevelt as President of the United States. The
date was March 4, 1905. Through a singular coincidence, my son,
Woodworth (born in Tucson, Arizona, the year after my capture
of Geronimo in 1877), was a member of the general inaugural
committee and chairman of the sub-committee on publicity, and
Colonel Roosevelt ’s request that Geronimo should appear in the
inaugural parade was made to him. The President’s request was
complied with. Five former noted renegade chiefs were brought
to Washington, a Sioux, a Comanche, a Ute, a Blackfoot and an
Apache. All dolled up in genuine dime-novel Indian toggery, in-
cluding buckskins, war-paint, and feathers, each carrying the
weapon of his choice, and mounted on prancing steeds, liberally
draped and festooned according to the several asserted fashions
of the respective tribes exhibited, these five representatives of the
bad actors on many a blood-stained western trail, proudly rode
abreast up Pennsylvania Avenue in front of a battalion of cadets
from the Carlisle Indian School, thus forming a conspicuous sec-
tion of the imposing inaugural parade.

Colonel Roosevelt hinted that these old relics of the wild
and woolly war-path in contrast with the battalion of Indian
cadets would indicate the progress the red men had made in the
preceding quarter century, but the rough rider’s well known pen-
chant for the spectacular doubtless inspired the invitation. These
heap-big war chiefs thoroughly enjoyed the distinguished honor
paid them, as well as the marked interest evinced by the vast in-
auguration throngs, and were glad to express their appreciation
and approval of the fact that the sovereign American people had
chosen Colonel Roosevelt to succeed himself as the ‘‘Great White
Father” at Washington.

Geronimo, who had by no means lost his cunning, availed
himself of this opportunity to appeal in person to his host, the
President of the United States, for a pardon, or parole, and per-
mission to return to his old, familiar hunting grounds in Arizona.
The exact phraseology of “Teddy’s” diplomatic refusal to accede
to the pathetic appeal of the ex-renegade Apache chief is not im-
mediately available for convenient quotation in this narrative.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

And thus it transpired that Geronimo was destined to live out
the remainder of his days on the land allotted to him at Fort Sill,
lie is asserted to have dictated an autobiography which was pub-
lished in book form in 1908 under the title of “GERONIMO *S
STORY OF IilS LIFE.” The old warrior says he dedicated
his book to Theodore Roosevelt because the President gave him
permission to write and publish it.

Geronimo died at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, February 17, 1909.
Following is a press despatch announcing his death :

GERONIMO LAID IN HIS GRAVE

Indian Chief Dies After Being Prisoner Twenty-Two
Y ears

“Lawton, Okla., February 18, 1909. — Geronimo, the old In-
dian war chief, who died at Fort Sill yesterday, was buried today
in the Apache burying ground northeast of the army post. The
Rev. L. L. Legters, the Indian missionary, conducted the services,
which were as similar to the Apache system of burial as the clergy-
man thought proper.

War Department officials had set aside today as a holiday for
the Apache prisoners of war at Fort Sill, and the 200 warriors
joined in the slow procession that carried the body of their old
leader to the grave.

Geronimo was one of the few Indians accounted by United
States soldiers as possessing real military genius. lie was pur-
sued steadily by troops for fifteen years, and was captured finallv
because he permitted himself to be, believing that he would be
turned loose again on promising good behaviour.

Geronimo was probably eighty years old. Twenty-five years
ago his reputation in Arizona was' that- of a fiend in human form,
and for ten years before that his name had been a dread word
among settlers and ranchmen.

Geronimo died in the faith of his fore-fathers, which knew
no white man’s god. The sun was his conception of deity. Four
years ago, when Geronimo feared that the injuries received in a
fall from his horse would prove fatal, he joined the Reformed
Church, ile was suspended from the church two years later
because of excessive drinking, gambling and other infractions of
church rules.”

The announcement that funeral services conducted by Rev.
L. L. Legters, the Indian missionary, “were as similar to the
Apache system of burial as the clergyman thought proper,”

GEKONIMO

doubtless was a fiction emanating from the romantic imagination
of the reporter. The Apaches were very secretive in the matter
of their burial rites, so much so that I never witnessed the burial
of a single Apache while I was their agent — except that of Tah-
zay in the Congressional Cemetery at Washington, D. C. and an
Apache never voluntarily mentioned the name of a deceased rela-
tive.

Geronimo was a dominating character. He possessed
courage, intuition, determination, initiative, and executive abil-
ity to a marked degree, and lie was an adept in the effective use

0 ,syate5cm' af wed as ^e fine art of diplomacy. These rare
(jualiiications plus physical strength and endurance coupled with
a restive, insubordinate disposition enabled him to achieve ex-
traordinary success along certain chosen lines in the face of
seemingly overwhelming odds.

He was born a nomadic savage in an arid, austere, mountain-
ous country sparsely inhabited by roving bands of the Apache
race As an infant he was warmed by the sun, rocked by the
winds, and sheltered by the trees. His nursery was the wide, open
M aces o rugged Nature, and here, as intelligence dawned and
understanding developed, he listened to stirring tales of the pleas-
ures of the chase and the glories of the war-path. Very soon as

lit PT™ Ustature and strength, he demonstrated his fitness for
eadership by organizing the little Apache boys with whom he
, lato a band of make-believe raiders and inspired them to
nutate feats of war. Therefore we are not surprised at his de-

e“t as a mere -vouth stm in his “teens,” the wise men

5“?r®d the CUSt?ln, of th.e tribe b-v admitting him to the councils
ot (he braves and the activities of the war-path.

_ «f°nim<> desoended from an ancestry of warriors. His
£“?nd father was renov-ned for the vigor and success of his raids
mil, 16 *YexlCans- Hls first active experience on the war-
e i!Tde.r th° Capable leadershiP Mangus Colorado, but
ami mJr STh an apt.P“,,il that vor-v soon he was organizing
f eld ffdmS ‘!S °™ Traidm" I,arties- Mexico was his principal
' , °f operations. He acquired a bitter hatred for the Mexi-

anm,.,!!1 na rCC .^Cad®S he raided ‘heir territory almost
cr a i , a US', -ra! ^ b“ame his occupation, and mur-
crT A?I age hlS hablt- Tbe reverses he met with only in-
cased his bitterness and quickened his zeal. His environment
and experience evolved for him a harsh code of ethics which to

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

himself, fully justified his ruthless deeds of plunder and blood-
shed. His greatest concern was that the particular raid in which
he was engaged should be successful — and that success was usual-
ly measured by the number killed and the amount and value of
the booty secured.

This is a picture of the Geronimo whom I met for the first
time at Apache Pass on June 8, 1876. This picture is, largely,
painted by himself in his story of his life. Never before having
heard of Geronimo, I knew nothing of his history, and could learn
very little at that time. Prior to this meeting with me his passion
for raiding had been practically unrestrained. Having indulged
in these savage forays for a quarter century, the activities of the
war-path had become his business and the cruel scenes of the
blood-red trail his divertisement. In these circumstances it is not
altogether surprising that when our government sought to re-
strain his lawlessness and halt his depredations he resented this
action as an interference with his natural rights, and he promptly
defied the United States by fleeing into Mexico.

Not many months later we find him hob-nobbing with his
friend, Victorio, at the Ojo Caliente agency in New Mexico — and
actually drawing rations at that agency. Then came his second
meeting with me at Ojo Caliente on April 21, 1877. Our stra-
tagem deceived him. He walked into our trap — and into the
guard-house IN CHAINS. I can now appreciate his chagrin and
humiliation at thus finding himself a shackled prisoner. He
reasoned that he “did not belong” to us and therefore his arrest
was unjust. Doubtless he was sincere in this judgment. But he
was a sport, and having surrendered in such abrupt fashion that
the very important matter of “terms” could not even be hinted at,
he became a most tractable prisoner and did not give his guards
the slightest inconvenience during the long trek from Ojo Caliente
to San Carlos.

After a few months, his tact and diplomacy won for him a
parole from his chains and the guard-house at San Carlos. Soon
he regaled himself with one of his habitual annual outings into
Mexico, and then returned to San Carlos. In the fall of 1S81 he
again left the reservation with a large following — including
Nah-chee and his band. From that time until he was sent to
Florida in the fall of 1886, his dealings were largely with the mili-
tary. He defied the United States and Mexico. He fought the
armies of both nations*— and survived that stupendous ordeal un-
scathed. lie surrendered three times during this period, — twice
to General Crook and once to General Miles, but always the time

GERONIMO

and place and terms were dictated by himself. The conditions
of his first surrender to General Crook (in 1883) allowed him to
revel for about nine months in Mexico and then to return to the
reservation for a rest period of more than a year. While thus
recuperating from his strenuous life in Mexico, he was afforded
opportunity to look after the very important matter of his equip-
ment— modern rifles and an ample supply of ammunition. The
period of rest and preparedness being over, Geronimo and Nah-
chee at the head of a large band of “Chiricahua prisoners escaped
from the reservation on May 17, 1885/ ’ and hit the trail for
Mexico for another outing of murder and pillage. But now the
raiding arena had been extended to include the territory of the
United States, and Geronimo justified his raids into American
territory on the grounds that the United States troops were fight-
ing him in Mexico.

Geronimo ’s second surrender to General Crook on- March 28,
1886, endured for two days and a night, and then he and a ma-
jority of the Chiricahua prisoners with him “escaped to the hills.

Now enters General Miles. It was reported that Geronimo
had made overtures of surrender to General Crook in March,
1886, because his band were worn out and his supply of food and
ammunition exhausted. Nevertheless, Geronimo was able to con-
tinue to oppose and defy the troops under General Miles and the
Mexican troops from April until September. And then, on Sep-
tember 3, 1S86, at Skeleton Canyon, Geronimo told General Miles
that he (Geronimo) would die fighting unless the terms of sur-
render were to his liking.

And we learn from a combination of official records and
Geronimo ’s statement and the subsequent history of the hostiles,
that General Miles made haste to promise Geronimo that his life
and the lives of ail of his people would be spared ; that the govern-
ment would protect and provide for them; that they would be
given lands and homes and stock and implements, etc., and that
Geronimo, himself, would not be required to do any work as long
as he lived. Thus it is obvious that the only punishment inflicted
upon Geronimo was exile from the mountains and trails he loved
so well — and the consequent enforced abandonment of his annual
outings for pillage and murder in Mexico.

Having accepted exile, Geronimo abandoned his former harsh
weapons of stratagem and force and substituted in their stead
the more genteel qualities of tact and diplomacy. It was the exer-
cise of these qualities through the medium of his strong person-
ality that enabled him, throughout the period of his internment as

GERONIMO

characters of more of less prominence, it may be considered that
the narrative is well worth the space herein allotted to it.

The leniency extended to Geronimo by General Crook and
General Miles is, to, me, inexplicable, and yet so far as these two
military commanders are concerned I entertain only feelings of
sincere regret. My deeper and stronger sentiments have ever
gone out to the great mass of the Apaches who, in one way or an-
other, have always paid the bitter penalties which should have
been assessed against Geronimo, that professional renegade, and
other Indians of similar desperate character ,as well as those in au-
thority responsible for faulty management.

Three of the leading actors in this prolonged tragedy of mis-
fortune, treachery and bloodshed have crossed the Great Divide.
General George Crook and General Nelson A. Miles are sleeping
their last, long sleep within monumented tombs amid the nation’s
honored dead in that great cemetery on the brow of Arlington,
Virginia, and, as I was informed by an army officer stationed at*
Port Sill, Oklahoma, the mortal remains of Geronimo lie hidden
there— IN AN UNMARKED GRAVE.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

a prisoner of war, to obtain for himself many favors and advant-
ages. His office of justice of the peace at Mount Vernon Barracks
not only gave him a degree of authority, but also a modicum of
dignity and responsibility. At Fort Sill, he maneuvered himself
into the position of an “Indian scout” (actually a soldier in the
regular army), which entitled him to wear the uniform and draw
the pay and allowances of a cavalry soldier. His record as a
ruthless renegade and his conduct as an interned prisoner of war
made it possible for him to enjoy the exceptional advantages of
spending periods varying from two to six months at the Omaha
and Buffalo Expositions and the St. Louis World’s Fair. These
results prove that his tact and diplomacy served him well.

Geronimo declared more than once that no one could kill
him, and it is by no means improbable that he believed this to be
true. It cannot be doubted that he flirted with death many times
during the decades when he was persistently and aggressively ac-
tive as a ruthless raider and desperate outlaw, and it is easily pos-
sible that as, time after time, the grim reaper missed him by the
narrowest of margins, he may have become convinced in his own
mind that the Fates had decreed that he was not born to be killed.

And I have often thought that during the period he was
fighting two armies in Mexico Geronimo was obsessed with an-
other conviction, — viz : — that he was the sole arbiter of the ques-
tion as to when he should rest ou the reservation and when he
should revel on the war-path. Certain it is that his success in dic-
tating his own terms would justify that conviction.

Geronimo ’s last appearance in public — and the most spec-
tacular exhibition in his remarkable career — occurred at Wash-
ington, D. C., on March 4, 1905, when, at the special request of
the President of the United States, he and four other ex-renegade
Indian war-chiefs, all duly striped and smeared and caparisoned,
constituted a unique and conspicuous feature of the presidential
inaugural parade as it moved with martial tread along that world-
famed boulevard of the nation’s capital — Pennsylvania Avenue.

Truly it may be said that, throughout his eventful career,
Geronimo overcame and achieved in a masterful manner.
*«=**##•

When I arrested Geronimo in 1877 and conveyed him 500
miles in shackles, my official report of the affair was contained in
a single paragraph, and at the inception of this story I had no
thought that it would extend itself to such length. However, when
we reflect that these details involve events running through near-
ly half a century of frontier history, and are concerned with many

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

ARIZONANS IN SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR

By A. D. WEBB

It has been thirty years since the Spanish -American War
was fought. That conflict occurred in 1898. Arizona has a right
to be proud of the record of the old territory in that sanguinary
conflict. What became known as the Rough Rider Regiment,
commanded by Colonels Wood and Roosevelt, included several
companies composed of Arizona’s virile manhood, many of whom
had become prominent in Arizona before the war began. Among
tiicsc were Major ^Alexander 0. Brodie and Captains W. I).
(“Bucky”) O’Neill, J. L. B. Alexander and James H. McClin-
tock. Among those who enlisted and served as privates through
the Cuban campaign were C. E. Mills, now president of the Val-
ley Bank, in Phoenix, and president of the Apache Powder Com-
pany, at Benson. When Mills enlisted he resigned the position
of general manager of the Detroit Copper Company, at Morenci.
Another private belonging to Company A, of which “Bucky”
0 Neill was captain, was A. D. Webb, who at the time of his en-
listment was editing a weekly newspaper at Safford, Arizona,
and prior to that time was a co-owner and publisher of the Ari-
zona Bulletin, associated with the present State Historian and
writer of this article. When Mr. Webb left to join his companv at
Prescott, he promised to write letters back to the Arizona Bulletin
giving some of his experiences and observations as a soldier. This
he did, and several of these letters have been selected for the
pages of the ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW. These letters
are here appended :

“TEDDIE’S TERRIERS.”

SOLDIERING WITH ARIZONA’S COWBOY VOLUNTEERS
(Special Correspondence to Arizona Bulletin)

San Antonio, Texas, May 10, 1898.

As the doings of Graham’s soldier boys up to the time they
enlisted have been fully reported in the territorial papers, I did
not write any letter last week.

The boys got here and all passed except one. He will go to
San Antonio with the rest as first “sub,” with transportation and
rations.

ARIZONIANS IN SPANISH -AMERICAN WAR

Phoenix treated the Graham boys royally, but Prescott is
evidently too familiar with regulars to know how to treat volun-
teer soldiers, and the “marble heart” and “frost” was about
what we got.

After being sworn in we were sent to Whipple Barracks and
introduced to Uncle Sam’s fare of pork and beans. The pork was
rather shy, but there was plenty of coffee, which, with a porter-
house and mushrooms (got the latter down town), pieced out our
first day ’s fare.

The first night spent in barracks was enlivened by some very
original profanity caused principally by the hardness of the
floor, the scarceness of blankets, and the peculiar antics of a
swarm of bedbugs. The latter were in good shipping condition
and most of them branded U. S. on left hip.

The second day in barracks was spent in drilling foot move-
ments. Pare did not improve much, but by taking one meal down
town I succeeded in pulling through. At night it snowed, and
about two inches covered the ground when we arose. The snow
did not raise the temperature any, and but few of the boys were
able to speak from hoarseness. The remarks made by those able
to remark at all would not do to print.

The two troops left Prescott on Wednesday at 6 :30. Prior
to their departure a public reception was held on Court House
Square. Speeches were made by the governor, adjutant general,
Major Brodie, Captains O’Neill and McClintoek, and other distin-
guished gentlemen. A battle-flag was presented to Company A
by the ladies of Prescott, and a mascot in the way of a half-
grown Arizona lion, a nasty young brute, ready to fight on the
slightest provocation, and supposed to be typical of the Arizona
contingent to the cowboy regiment.

The four thousand Prescottites followed the boys to the train
and bid them Godspeed, amid the thunder of exploding powder
and cheers from thousands of men, women and children.

When A. P. Junction was reached it began to snow and con-
tinued all night. There was no fire in the cars and the windows
frosted over with the vapor rising from the inside of the cars.
Chuck was scanty, as usual, and the boys put in a bad night.

Graham County has much to be proud of for the showing
she has made. She not only got her full quota (16), but she got
one extra. Out of seventeen men who went up to Prescott, every
one was accepted, although no previous physical examination had
been passed by any of them. There is not another county in the

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

territory but had men turned down by the examining surgeon.
This shows that old Graham raises good stock.

.Flagstaff has proven. the most patriotic town thus far en-
countered. At 2 o’clock in the morning, in a blinding snow
storm, with the mercury way below freezing, nearly the whole
town turned out with the bancj and fireworks to give the boys a
send-off.

While passing through El Paso some of A troop stole a Skye
terrier and carried it along with the lion, attracting much atten-
tion on the road, as he was decorated in all kinds of shape, with
a neat little red, white and blue ribbon tied to his tail.

Although we traveled some 250 miles out of the way, we are
the first troops on the ground. Hurrah for Arizona ! We arrived
Saturday morning at 4 o’clock and were immediately quartered
in the exposition building at the fairgrounds. Our horses are not
here yet, but the pack mules arrived this morning, and husky
looking lot they were. We expect our uniforms today.

The Arizona contingent has been split into three troops.
First Lieutenant Alexander has been promoted to Captain and
Second Lieutenant Wilcox to first lieutenant.

All the boys from Graham County are in the best of spirits,
and I don’t think you could buy one of them off for $500 cash.
From what we can learn we probably will be the first troops land-
ed in Cuba, and the boys from Graham will be the first to land
from the ship.

Trooper Rawhide,

(A. D. Webb.)

FIRST OF THE DEAD

MARSHALL BIRD, AN ARIZONA TROOPER, KILLED
IN SAN ANTONIO.

(Special correspondence to Arizona Bulletin)

San Antonio, May 9. — Marshall Bird, of Nogales, a member
of the southern troop of Arizona Cavalry, died at 12 :30 p. in. to-
day. II is death resulted from a fall from a horse. He was thrown
by a vicious horse yesterday afternoon. His skull was fractured
and he lay unconscious until death, eighteen hours later.

He was 19 years Of age, and was the son of Capt. Allen T.
Bird, proprietor of The Oasis at Nogales. He was a brilliant
young man, well liked in the camp and bore promise of making a
good:soldier. Ilis body will be returned to Nogales. -

Trooper Rawhide.

ARIZONIANS IN SPANISII-AMERICAN WAR

. AT THE FRONT

ANOTHER INTERESTING LETTER FROM TROOPER
RAWHIDE, AT TAMPA, FLA.

(Special correspondence to Arizona Bulletin)

On board the U. S. Transport Yucatan, Port Tampa, Fla., June

11, 1898.

When the Rough Riders came aboard the transport Yucatan
on Tuesday last, most of us were of the opinion that we were to
put to sea at once, and would ere this time be landed on Cuban soil.
But it has turned out that our officers are neither prophets nor
sons of prophets, and we are still lying idle on the placid waters
of the bay — thirty big transports and several small fighting ves-
sels. We spent Tuesday night anchored about one-half mile from*
the pier, the bands on the different ships indulging in a sort of
a contest until about ten o'clock when the welcome sound of the
bugle call “lights out” notified the tired soldiers that they would
be permitted to sleep till reveille for the first time in three days.

Troop A was most fortunate in securing quarters, as we were'
allotted the deck “aft the cabin.” At any other time in their
lives, probably some of our men would have “kicked” at sleep-
ing on a hard, bare floor, with a saddle blanket and rubber “pon-
cho” for bedclothes, but when compared with the sweltering
wretches packed like sardines down on the third deck in double
berths, three sections high, our position is about the same as the
president of a railroad in a palace car and emigrants in a tourist
sleeper.

We were all paid off the night we broke camp — presumably
so we could buy what we wanted to eat for a week or so, and give
someone holding a fat job a chance to steal the money appropri-
ated for our rations. Wednesday morning, not having any chance
to spend their money, all kinds of glambling games opened. The
“Shark” was there in most every troop, with the old loaded dice
and sanded monte cards; likewise the “sucker” to blow in his
money against a sure thing. The devotees of the great American
game of poker could be found safely ensconsed in sheltered nooks,
standing pat on a pair of deuces, or cursing his luck when hold-
ing a full hand as in days of yore. The sports from Graham
County “chipped in” and opened a crap game, but they were
foolish enough to use “square” dice and were speedily taken in.
A wet blanket was soon thrown over the boys of sporting proclivi-
ties, however, when it was announced that Gen. Miles had issued

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

an order forbidding all gambling in the army. The gallant war-
riors now play nothing but seven up “for fun/’ and practice a
little at “jacks up/’ using cartridges instead of money — so they
will not get rusty.

The Disciples of Walton got out their fish-hooks and lines
Wednesday and put up all sorts of jobs on the finny inhabitants
of the bay, but as the catch failed to aggregate the amount of
bait used, we concluded that the fishermen were not very success-
ful— at least until they get to writing home and telling their
friends what they caught.

Thursday we went back into harbor and loaded a few car-
loads of freight aboard. As the stuff was all in packages of from
100 to TOO pounds each, the work was “light and easy.”

Friday your correspondent and three other unlucky troopers
from Arizona were on what is known as old guard fatigue duty.
We reported to the proper sergeant and were given brooms and
told to take off our shoes and stockings. We did as ordered and
were then introduced to a large rubber hose, which, with the as-
sistance of the “old guard fatigue” from the other troops, we
hauled all over the three decks of the ship and gave it a thorough
scrubbing. Before we got through with this job we could have
given an old-time Mississippi River steamboat mate some nice
points in the art of profanity. The next time your “Uncle Ful-
ler” is on the “old guard fatigue” on board a ship, he is going to
hide out.

The way they have of doing business in this country makes
a western man sick. Over half a million dollars have been turned
loose, in pay to the soldiers alone, during the past ten days and
there is but one store in the place, and after fighting one’s way
to the counter — which usually takes about a half-hour — he will
then find one clerk behind the counter in a large building and
probably not a blessed article he came for. A live business man
could have made a fortune here. “Niggers” have made from
$25 to $50 a day selling boiled fish, lemonade, sandwiches, etc.

The boys are all enjoying a bath in the waters of the bay once
or twice a day, and for the first time since we enlisted we can keep
clean. There are no facilities for washing clothes, however ; other-
wise, except for the men on duty, a cavalryman’s life on ship-
board would be the ideal existence for a lazy man. It seems quite
strange not to be kept on the hop from morning to night, but one
can’t groom horses, lead them to water, and ride them all over the
landscape on board a ship 300 feet long.

ARIZONIANS IN SPANISH- AMERICAN WAR

There is a good deal of feeling at Tampa between the white
and colored soldiers, and a great deal of rough and tumble fight-
ing has been the result, and a few negroes have been killled. A
colored house of prostitution was burned down yesterday by a
party of white soldiers who had been attacked by the inmates
armed with pistols, soda bottles, etc.

There are nearly 40,000 soldiers and government employes
here and every store and saloon in the place has sold everything
they had to sell at double prices.

Trooper Rawhide
(A. D. Webb).

Trooper Rawhide writes interesting letters descriptive of the
voyage to Santiago.

A collision narrowly averted. The men taken were real cow-
boys. Slow time. Santiago at last.

Wednesday, June 15, ’98.

After “fiddling” around for a month, sailing orders were
finally received and the fleet having the largest army of invasion
in the history of modern warfare, weighed anchor and steamed
out toward the Gulf of Mexico last Monday afternoon at about
4 p. m. When the mouth of the bay (about 30 miles distant) was
reached the ships dropped anchor and swung idly at their moor-
ing until about 2 p. m. the next day, when the squadron again got
under way and stood out to sea. It was a grand and imposing
sight to see the thirty big transports with about 1000 men each,
steaming out in a “column of fours” while the half dozen or more
fighting ships deployed as skirmishers and flankers on the front
and on either side, keeping up a sharp look-out for Spanish ships.

The Yucatan, or No. 8, on which the thoughts of Arizona are
doubtless now centered, as she bears all the Rough Riders picked
for this expedition, narrowly escaped a collision on the way out
and it was a pleasure to see the men stand firm and not flinch for
a moment in the face of peril that produced almost a stampede
on the part of the sailors of the two ships. When the danger was
passed the cavalrymen on the Yucatan jeered the infantrymen on
the other craft in true soldier fashion, telling them they could not
get out of the way of an ox-cart; and the “dough-boys” retali-
ated that we had better get a new crew before we went to sea or
they would likely have the pleasure of riding our horses in Cuba
while we furnished food for the fishes.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

All day Ion" we have been out of. sight of land and there is
a delightful uncertainty about where we are going. Some say we
are headed for Porto Rico, others that Havana, Santiago de Cuba
or some other point in Cuba is our destination. I think wTe will
stop at Tortugas. Key West is out of the question, as w*e are
about 100 miles out in the Gulf.

The status of our outfit is the source of some comment among
the boys. They used to call us the R. R. R. — Roosevelt’s Rough
Riders — but when our horses and six-shooters were taken away
from us, some facetious cuss dubbed us the W. W. W.’s — Wood’s
Weary Walkers. Now they have put us on a ship armed with
dynamite gun and a battery of rapid fire guns, and w'e have come
to the conclusion that we must belong to Capt. Jinks’ famous band
of horse-marines.

The dynamite gun on the bow is something of an experiment,
we understand, and we are told that if a shot from it — 112 pounds
in weight — strikes within a hundred yards of an iron-clad, it
will sink it. As there are some 3000 or 4000 pounds of this am-
munition piled up in tjie bow, the result of an explosion can
readily be conjectured. The other night we were struck by a
“white squall” accompanied by heavy thunder and vivid light-
ning. We all agreed that if lightning struck us wTe would knock
a hole in the bottom of the sea.

A troop has lost its comfortable quarters. We are now down
in the hold wdiere the ambitious mercury rises to some hundred
odd each night when we are supposed to be sleeping.

As there has been considerable discussion in Graham County
as to the men she sent to the war, I will give a brief account of
each one in this expedition. The rest of the Graham County w7ere
left at Tampa :

Griffin — cowboy and miner, broke bronchos in the Sulphur
Springs Valley and vicinity for seven years. An excellent shot
and crack rider.

May — cowboy and teamster. Has ridden on the range for ten
years in Arizona and California. Good rider and rifle shot.

Van Sicklen — cow’boy; worked cattle for different outfits
in San Simon and Graham mountain range country. Excellent
rider and good shot with rifle.

Tuttle — rancher and student. Has ridden horses all his life.
Can rope and ride bronchos. A fair shot.

Paxton — rancher, a good rider and marksman.

Stark — farmer; a fair rider and crack shot with pistol.

ARIZONIANS IN SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR

Webb — printer ; indifferent rider. A fair shot with rifJe.

Bugbee, P red-— farmer and railroad man; an average rider.
Don t know about his marksmanship.

McCarter— printer ; good rider. Can catcli a horse, shoe him,
saddle and ride linn. As good an all round man as there is in the
troop. Don t know about his marksmanship.

Santiago de Cuba, June 20, 1898.

For just one week and a day we have been aboard the old
cratt, and for seven days we have been steaming steadilv south-
east In an ordinary sort of a steamship we would have been near-
mg the coast of Africa, but in very truth we have but arrived in
the vicinity of Santiago de Cuba. We have averaged a speed of
about six miles an hour since the start.

-h fo„°^ha^becn as usual; very poor in quality and devil-
ish little of it. One could occasionally go down by the kitchen

Wher t]\G meaIs for the officers and shipmen are cooked
and bum a hand-out from the cook, if he put up anywhere from
two bits to a dollar tor the privilege. Ice water has sold on the
ship for five and ten cents for a half of a cupful, and other things
m proportion. Uncle Sam is very liberal in promises, but bv the
time a soldier gets what is rightfully his own he is usually dead
and does not need it If any of the relatives of the Arizonans
happen to catch any of the smart Alecks who have circulated the
stories about all the supplies being forwarded to the soldiers and
sold at cost plus transportation, they will please hang them imme-
diately, and wait till we get home for the trial. That patriotic
gentleman, Armour, is working off a lot of “salt horse” on the
army that would make a dog sick, under the name of prime roast
beet W e got a consignment of the aforesaid, which together with
hard-tack and, occasionally, beans and very weak coffee, has made
up our feed for the last ten days.

?he ?U}y,^in" thZe seoms t0 be l)lentT of aboard this ship is
whiskey (at *-0 per gallon )and beer (as warm as dish-water) at
twenty-five cents a small pint bottle. In his young davs your
correspondent has experimented with some pretty tough bug ex-
tract m Arizona, yet he can truthfully say that he has never
tackled any red liquor that would come up to the standard of this
rat po.son sold right here on board this government ship.

We have had an exceptionally smooth voyage. There has
been but very little seasickness aboard and but four or five men
have been transferred to the hospital ship en route. This speaks

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

better for the physical condition of the men than it does for the
good management of those supposed to look out for our welfare.

Thursday, while skirting the Cuban coast, we fell in with a
small sail boat clear out of sight of land. There were six occu-
pants in the boat and the single star banner of Cuba floated de-
fiantly at the masthead. As we passed the gallant little craft, she
showed her teeth and fired a salute with a Winchester. We re-
sponded with rousing cheers and steamed away, leaving the tiny
crait alone in the rolling waves. Today at noon we passed a place
called Cayanejos (or some other name), where a battle has just
ended between a force of U. S. marines, 800 strong, and a large
Spanish force. A U. S. gunboat came out and informed us that
X60 Spaniards were killed and 200 wounded and 18 taken pris-
oners. The American loss was 8 killed.

We are told that we are to land in the morning. Our guns
are all cleaned and oiled, while our baggage is rolled in the long
horseshoe roll, to be slung over the shoulder so that we can disem-
bark at a moment's notice. Our belts are full of cartridges, and
onr canteens filled with water. Before this letter reaches its des-
tination, the Arizona volunteers will probably have smelled pow-
der for the first time on the field of battle.

Trooper Rawhide.

(A.D. Webb).

TROOPER RAWHIDE.

THE BULLETIN CORRESPONDENT IN THE BATTLE.

ANOTHER INTERESTING LETTER FROM SANTIAGO
WHICH TELLS OF HARD FIGHTING.

(Special Bulletin correspondence.)

Cuba, June 27, 1898.

As I predicted in my last letter, the Arizona Volunteers have
been in battle, and under the most adverse circumstances. They
acquitted themselves in a most creditable manner. Not a man
flinched and most of the boys stood under fire and made sport of
the Spaniards and their shooting, even while the bullets are thick
as bees, and men were being killed and wounded on every hand.

We stood out to sea the night after we came through the
Windward Passage, and on the morning of the 22nd we came back
about 18 miles from Santiago de Cuba and lay off the shore three
or four miles, while the warships threw shells into the hills to
prospect for Spaniards. The town was held by about 200 Spanish

ARIZONIANS IN SPANISII-AMERICAN WAR

troops but they hit the road in high places when the first shots
were fired. We then steamed in and landed at 4 p. m. The Span-
iards had fired the town and burned the railroad track and ma-
chine shops. They drove most of the Cubans away in front of
them. We had been up since three o’clock in the morning. The
food was scant as usual. No sooner were the American troops
ashore than the insurgents began to pour in and tell what valorous
deeds they would have performed if they had arrived a little
sooner. They are a queer looking lot. All sizes, ages and colors;
ragged beyond description, and armed with all kinds of guns, pis-
tols and cutlery, from a stiletto to a machete four feet long.

We camped at the seashore that night, and were not per-
mitted to unroll our blankets. We slept on the ground and about
two inches of dew fell on us. It was very cold, and we were soaked
to the skin when we arose. Got up a 4 a. m. and cooked breakfast.
Then we loafed around until 4 p. m. Lots of cocoanuts and man-
groves. I went with some other Graham County boys and brought
in lots of nuts, first eating all the ripe ones and drinking all the
juice from the green ones we could hold. While on this expedition
we met about 500 insurgents lying in the brush. They told us we
should be more careful as the country was full of Spanish Guerril-
las. We replied that we would throw cocoanuts at them if they
attacked us. The Cubans looked at us with their mouths agape at
such talk.

At 4 p. m. we shouldered our baggage and started for the
next town. We carried about 45 pounds per man and marched
12 miles in 4% hours, with two rests of about 15 minutes each.
Part of the march was made on a run.

It was fearfully warm, and the men began to drop from the
line before we had proceeded a mile from camp. Before we had
marched two miles the road was lined with men who could stag-
ger along no farther, and the faint-hearted ones who gave up
easily. Four regiments were ahead of us and the regular infantry
did not stand the march any better than we did. All night long
men were straggling into camp. We marched by all the troops
ahead of us, except two regiments of cavalry who were on outpost
duty. We cooked supper and then stood around in a pouring
rain to hear the news of the day. The town had been attacked by
the insurgents, and the Spaniards had beaten them back. Then
the U. S. Regulars came up, fired a volley or two, and the Span-
iards fled in the direction of Santiago de Cuda, taking all the
Cubans — men, women and children — with them. Before they
left, they beheaded 17 crippled who could not walk; so we were

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

told by some of the inhabitants who hid in the rocks and came
down when we entered the town.

We turned in at 11 p. m. and slept in the mud till 3 :30 a. in.,
when we were awakened by the bugle and given forty-five min-
utes to get breakfast and be ready to march.

When the sun rose on the morning of the 24th, we were
climbing a steep hill about one mile long, with our packs heavier
than the day before for the rain had soaked up during the night.
The Rough Riders were in front — 8 troops of about 60 men, each,
strong. There were a few troops of the Tenth Regular Cavalry
on the right, and some of the First Regular Cavalry farther out—
about 900 men in all. When we got up the hill they hot-footed us
along the crest of the ridge, through dense forest, for a few hours,
when all at once the column was halted and the men told to keep
quiet. Most of us were so tired by this time that we just dropped
in our tracks to rest, but some of the boys sought the shade of trees.
We moved on again a few hundred yards, and found that the
rabbit path we had been following was rapidly developing into
a fair road. A\ e were then stopped again and deployed as skirm-
ishers to the right of the road. Not a shot had been fired up to
this time. We had advanced about 150 yards farther, a few scat-
tering shots were fired, and almost instantly both sides were
turned loose. The regular volleys of a few troops of the U. S. Reg-
ulars were broken by the rattling of the machine guns, which
sounded like a dozen snare drums going off at once. Off to our
right the boys were plugging away with a few Hotchkiss rapid fire
guns and we, the Rough Riders, were popping away in true Ari-
zona style, but only when we saw something tangible to shoot at.

Bucky O ’Neil walked along with A troop, joshing with his men
as though we were drilling back in San Antonio, and he did not
have any the best of it either, for when he gave the order to ad-
vance by creeping, the boys insisted on standing up and walking,
claiming it was easier to walk than crawl through the Spanish
bayonets and thick, tangled grass in front. By this time, we were
getting into the ground where the Spanish have their guns trained
when they planned the ambuscade, and bullets, explosive shells
and balls from machine guns were whistling through our ranks
like a swarm of bees and trimming a shower of branches from the
trees overhead. We dropped down on our hands and knees and
craw led about 100 yards closer to the enemy, when we came to a
small, steep canyon, with a dense growth of small trees all around

^ere ^ie command of halt was given and we laid down in
SKirmish order — two yards apart. We were then under a terrible

ARIZONIANS IN SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR

fire. I felt a bullet zip past ray right ear ; the man on the left of
me said he saw a twig cut clean off about two inches above my
head. Archie Tuttle was on my right side about four feet away,
and a bullet struck the ground about six inches from him and
threw dust all over him. The sergeant of our squad was the sec-
ond man from me on the left, and was lying very low behind some
small brush. A bullet split a three-inch sappling just beside his
head and the splinters flew in his face. The trees above us to a
height of twelve feet were literally cut to pieces. It was evident
that the Spaniards had their machine guns trained a little too
high — no doubt intending to kill us all off when we stampede.
But we did not stampede. We kept inching a little closer trying
to locate them, and occasionally getting a shot at a Spaniard who
was away from the main body. Finally the firing ceased, and we
took up a position to the front and waited. . The heavy firing
shifted to other parts of the field, but a scattering rain of bullets
kept dropping on A troop. During the heaviest firing we had two
men killed — Corporal Dougherty and Private Ligget — both from
the northern part of the territory. Dougherty was shot through
the head and Ligget though the heart. Neither spoke after being
hit. After the firing ceased we marched about a half-mile and
rested in the shade of some trees along the road. The roll of A troop
was called and everyone who went into the fight, except the dead,
answered “Here.” There had been no straggling nor running.
Every step taken during the fight had been taken toward the
enemy, and we had to stand for some time under a fierce fire, and
we could not return it for fear of hitting other U. S. troops. We
were flanked so badly at one time that we all thought our own men
were shooting into us from the rear.

Too much praise cannot be given Captain “Bucky” O’Neill
for his part in the fight. Totally regardless of his own safety he
walked up and down the line looking after his men and when he
could do no more he calmly rolled a cigarette and took a smoke.

After the dead had been brought in we went on ahead a half
a mile, cooked our dinner, came back and went into camp on the
very ground occupied by the enemy during the fight.

At one time A troop was within 100 yards of the Spanish fir-
ing line, but they were so well concealed and using smokeless
powder that we could not see them, which was probably fortunate
for them.

B troop had three wounded — including Capt. McClin-
tock. C troop was not in the fight. Major Brodie, of Prescott,
was wounded in the arm.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

The Graham County boys in the fight were Van Sicklen,
Griffin, Bugbee, Paxton, Stark, McCarter, Tuttle, Webb and
Mills, the man from Morenci, who joined A troop at San Antonio.
None of us was hit, fortunately, but the fatigue of the march and
fight did some of us up pretty severely. Wallace Stark is in the
hospital today, but not very ill. The rest of us are ready for duty.

The next morning, with a very impressive service, the bodies
of our nine comrades lost in the battle were interred in a trench,
while thousands of buzzards floated overhead and added to the
dreadful feeling which is experienced amid such scenes. They
had found a man whom I had known well in the regiment, and I
hope I never again see such a spectacle as he presented. The buz-
zards are reported to be getting fat on the Spaniards who fell in
the dense brush where our men could not find them to bury.

We camped on the battlefield two nights, and then moved up
two miles nearer to Santiago de Cuba, establishing a camp which
we will probably hold until the final assault. We march out and
do our scouting sentry and outpost duty and then come back to
camp. We are pretty close to the city. I think a big battle is
imminent.

Several funny things happened during the fight. An in-
surgent major boarded our transport before we landed, and after
looking us over said we were a fine looking lot of fellows, but we
needed machetas like his to cut our way through the Spaniards.
During the fight he was seen “cutting his way” to the rear, and
using his machete to beat his horse over the back. He has not
been seen since.

The camp is now full of newspaper correspondents, and I
suppose you have a better description of the fight than 1 have
given, but devilish few of them were as near to the Spanish guns
as your Uncle Fuller and the rest of the boys from Graham Coun-
ty. Tuttle was out on a scout yesterday with “Teddy ” Roosevelt
and five other “Terriors. ” We are all, with the exception of
Stark, feeling pretty well. Grub is scarce, but we are good rust-
lers. A Spanish newspaper, printed since the fight, came into
camp this morning. It stated that there were 60,000 Americans
and 5,000 Spaniards in the fight. That our loss was 5,000, and
theirs 250. In truth there were but 900 Americans in the scrap.
The Lord only knows how many Spaniards there were. The
Rough Riders tramped them out of the brush, and the 10th
Cavalry killed them as they ran. That’s about the style of it.

Trooper Rawhide.

(A. D. Webb).

ARIZONIANS IN SPANISH- AMERICAN WAR

TROOPER RAWHIDE

MORE OF HIS EXPERIENCES AND OBSERVATIONS IN
FRONT OF SANTIAGO.

MANY HARDSHIPS ENDURED DEATH AND BURIAL

TI1REE DAYS OFHAHD^S
troop ainfrLn? B0YS who took PART-

(Special Bulletin Correspendonce)

In the trenches before Santiago de Cuba, July 17, 1898.

Since my last letter the people of Arizona have probably be-
come satisfied regarding the motive which prompted some two
hundred young men m the cactus territory to throw up good iobs
and respond to the president’s first appeal for Americans to come
to the front. \\ e have been tried in a manner almost unknown to
volunteers, and I will leave it to future historians to say if we have
been found wanting.

1 he battle has been fought ; the enemy made to humbly sue for
peace, and on the roll of honor Arizona has some fifteen names of
men who fearlessly laid down their lives at their country’s call-
and m the hospitals and on the convalescent list about twenty
more may be found, who bear the marks of Spanish bullets and
shells. In the hospitals may be found a dozen more, equally brave
men, who are victims of the deadly fever and other diseases
brought on by the fearful privation and exposure we have been
compelled to undergo. We have suffered heavy loss, the worst be-
ing in the death of Capt, “Ducky” O’Neill, than whom a braver

^niTf eri led soldlers t0 battle. Standing erect, midst a storm
of bullets, laughing and joking with his men, he met his death as
other heroes have met theirs before him. He was buried near the
spot where he fell by his own men, two of whom had stood guard
over his remains from the moment he was shot until his bodv was
tenderly laid to rest. No parson was there to tell of the Noble-
ness of his character, and his funeral dirge was the whistle of bul-
lets and the scream of shells. “Bucky” is dead, but death will

forgotten eyGS °f ^ ^ tr0Oper who fou£ht under him ere he is

™ Zt bKU1/ 0f £e lst’ 2lld and 3rd of JuJy bus been described,
no doubt, by far abler writers than myself, and is now almost an-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

cient history in the United States, so I will not attempt a de-
scription. “A” troop was there from start to finish. We were sent
out alone at daybreak to make a scout to a point some two miles
to the left of the line. Without breakfast we started cheerfully
and scouted a country where we could all have been ambushed
and killed at any time had the enemy been in that direction. The
only thing we saw, however, was some skulking guerrillas, who got
out of the way before we could shoot them.

Arriving at a high point your correspondent, Archie Tuttle,
Frank Paxton and a few others, who had been sent on ahead as
skirmishers, had a fine view of the bombardment preceding the as-
sault. We could see the great 8-inch shells as they soared through
the air, both from our own and our enemy’s guns, and could fol-
low those we could not see by the peculiar hissing screech which
once heard will never be forgotten. W hen it was found the enemy
could not be dislodged by cannonading, we were recalled to the
regiment to take part in the assault. On our way back we passed
a band of Cuban soldiers who had apparently been hiding m a
deep ravine. A shell had found them out, however, and one ot
their number lay dead while two more were groaning by the side
of the trail we were traveling, badly wounded. I stopped and
o-ave one of the poor devils half of the water in my canteen, and
I can vet hear the “Gracias, Senor,” the poor fellow uttered.
Many times that day, with throat parched and burning, I thought
of that water.

We soon came up with our regiment and hurried toward the
front. It was getting fearfully hot and our clothes were soaked
with perspiration. The bullets commenced to whistle about us
and the air seemed full of explosive balls used by our enemies.
We were seasoned soldiers now, however, and smiled in contempt
at the man who ducked his head when one popped near him. When
we came to a dead man we simply glanced at him to see if he was
an acquaintance, then passed on. We soon came up with the fir-
ing line and were ordered to lay down and not shoot, as there were
some of the Tenth and First Cavalry between us and the enemy.
We lay down in an open field and the sun got in its work to such
an extent that two of the men were unable to rise and go on when
ordered to advance. Our position was in front of a batter} whic
the enemv were trying to silence with cannon and machine guns.
Shells, bullets and all kinds of old scrap iron whistled and
screamed over our heads, but we lay close to the ground and es-
caped with very little injury.

ARIZONIANS IN SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR

We next moved about one hundred yards nearer to the enemy
and took a position along a wire fence by the side of the public
road. As we lay in this position we were exposed to a very heavy
fire from sharpshooters in the trees. At this point our captain
was killed. The death of Captain O’Neill seemed to paralyze the
troop, as no one appeared to know what to do. After awhile we
lined up with the other troops of our regiment and when the
order to advance was given each man in the troop started out to
do a little fighting on his own account, to get even with the
Spaniards. Wherever the fighting was the hottest that day there
could be found men from Arizona in the forefront of the battle.
With the dusky warriors of the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry, wher-
ever they charged the enemy could be found the Rough Riders
from Arizona. Troop and regimental formation was thrown to
the wind ; the men were after Spanish blood, and from the fact
that some of the members of “A” troop fired from 200 to 300
shots, I guess they got it.

After heights were taken, a continuous fire was kept up until
it was so dark we could not see. Then the guns were dropped and
the tired troopers rested by working till daylight with pick and
shovel, building entrenchments. Such is the account of the doing
of the men from Arizona on the 1st of July. On the 2nd, the
enemy found us almost as strongly entrenched as themselves.
This appeared to make them mad and they opened on us again
and tried to shell us off the hill. We refused to leave it, though
we lost several men from shells and a few from bullets. The fight
was kept up all the 2nd and until noon on the 3rd, when a truco
was declared. The Graham County men in the fight were Fred
Bugbee, Frank Van Sicklen, Archie Tuttle, A. D. Webb, McCar-
ter, Frank Paxton and C. E. Mills. Bugbee was the only Graham
County man wounded, getting a scalp wound from a Mauser bul-
let. McCarter got a hole in his shirt, and Webb one through his
legging.

I have been a long time writing this, but we wrere nearly dead
after the fight, and duty was very heavy and chuck scarce. We
are now sparring for points with Yellow Jack. I weigh 145
pounds. The bullet that hit me perforated my legging, took the
skin off my shin and made a black and blue spot about as big as
a dollar and a half. It is all right now. Griffin and May, from
Graham County, are reported sick. Stark is sick in camp here.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

It rains every day here, and we are wet all the time. It is a devil of
a country to live out doors in.

Trooper Rawhide.

(A. D. Webb).

TROOPER RAWHIDE

WRITES HIS LAST LETTER FROM CUBA. THE ARIZONA
BOYS TIRED AND SICK.

The following interesting letter from Troope Rawhide was
written in camp near Santiago a short while before the Rough
Riders sailed for Long Island.

Santiago de Cuba, August 4, 1898.

We have now been lving in this “recuperation” camp for
seventeen days, and for a “healthy” location to go to and rest up
in, it is a selection worthy of the mighty brain and ponderous in-
tellect of even a commanding general of the United States
Armies. I don’t believe there is a blessed soul among the tour
hundred-odd Rough Riders, who constitute the remnant of a regi-
ment on this island but who has been sick for a greater of less
period of time since we pitched our tent on this healthy ( T) camp-
ground, excepting, perhaps, a few commissioned officers who go
to town four miles away, whenever they please; ride on the bay ;
eat and’ drink what they wish, and have a “dog robber to cook
for them while out here in camp. Even some of these gentlemen
(by an Act of Congress) have over-played their hands and are
lying in town awaiting to get well, or sober, before returning to
this sweet-scented camp.

Nearly everyone in camp is fairly putrid with dysentery .
Chills come around each day to shake the majority of us to see
if we are still alive. When the chills get tired, along comes a most
diabolical kind of fever which is warranted to burn a man l up
entirely in just three hours; it usually stops a trifle short ot that
spontaneous combustion point, much to the disappointment ol the
poor victim. Strange as it may seem, though, very tew deaths
have occurred from natural causes among the Rough Riders so
far, but I will make a prognostication that a pestilence will sweep
the camp before September 15, if we remain here.

As the people will be interested in the condition of each man
from Graham County, and they are probably a fair average of the
camp, I will deal with each personally :

it.

ARIZONIANS IN SPANLSH-AMERICAN WAR

Fred Bugbee, shot in the head at San Juan Hill, has recov-
ered from his wound, and has been wrestling with chills and fever
until he looks like a spirit from another world.

May and Griffin have been shipped back to the United
States. Both reported very sick on the hospital boat.

Wallace Stark is confined to his tent. Doctor unable to
diagnose his case. Has not reported for duty for over two weeks.

C. E. Mills, of Morenci, sick in town ; don ’t know how bad.

Frank Van Sicklen, chills and fever; not able to report for
duty.

Frank Paxton stood the climate well ; been confined to tent
only two or three days during the last three weeks.

Archie Tuttle has got fat since landing on the island. The
chills and fever, however, have been sparring a couple of rounds
with him every other day for the past week, but don’t seem to be
getting much the best of the contest so far.

A. D. Webb has stood the trip well and with the exception of
losing some fifty pounds in weight, through dysentery and
violent exercise, is all right, though not so corpulent as in days of
yore.

McCarter has stood the campaign fine. He is now in town,
and I understand has been detached and is working in a printing
office.

That’s the way we are hooked up and you can judge for your-
self whether the health of the regiment is 4 ‘wonderful” or not.
The hospitals are tents; the whole country is soaked with water;
it rains every day ; w^e have nothing worth the name of a tent to
shelter us, and yet we are told to keep dry and clean by a lot of
jays sent here by the government to masquerade under the name
of “doctors” ( ?).

We drew new uniforms the other day, and what in the name
of the master of ceremonies in the infernal region we are going to
do with them I do not know. Had there been any more brass but-
tons and yellow cloth in the United States they doubtless would
have been used on these gaudy uniforms. When fully “ragged
out” a Rough Rider trooper now looks about like R. Allyn Lewis,
Arizona’s brave adjutant general, in full dross, and a drum-major
rolled into one. There are shoulder straps on the shoulders, a belt,
pleats in the back and front, a high gold collar — and buttons, but-
tons everywhere. One of the boys put his on at once and took a
stroll up through the camp. All the regulars saluted him, taking
him for a captain at least.

■68

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Troop “ A” drew these wonderful uniforms shortly after the
daily rain, when the “company street” of this gallant troop was
about the blackest, dirtiest mud in has ever been my ill-fortune
to plant my foot in. It came to within an inch of the top of our
government brogans, which have to be laced with extra care to
prevent pulling off while en route from one end of the “street” to
the other. A pair of canvas overalls and a blue woollen shirt is
good enough for me to campaign in Cuba with, and I think I voice
the sentiment of every enlisted man in the Rough Rider Regiment
when I say it is good enough for all of us. Personally, I will say
that it is my belief that if the United States wishes to make jack-
asses out of its soldiers, it should load them down with something
besides dress parade suits of clothes that will be spoiled before
we get a chance to put them on.

There are all kinds of rumors afloat. Some say we go to Por-
to Rico, others that we will be sent to the United States shortly,
while still others say we are going to stay here and make a cam-
paign of the island. They can send us to the devil, so far asJ am
concerned, if they will only move us from these fever-soaked- hills
around Santiago de Cuba.

Trooper Rawhide.

(A. D. Webb).

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN ARIZONA

HISTORY OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN ARIZONA
AND THE NATION

Delivered before the Democratic Woman’s Club of Maricopa County, Arizona,

. May 1, 1928, by Mrs. Mattie L. Williams

What a tremendous subject to be expressed in a few words!
I suppose I am to tell what of it — what good it has done — what
change has it made — has it been worth while ?

Susan B. Anthony will no doubt stand out as the peer, or
greatest of all woman suffrage leaders in our United States, and
next 1 would place the name of Dr. Anna Iv. Shaw. There are
many others I will not mention, but feel duty bound to mention
Alice Paul.

I shall not tell what has been accomplished in other countries,
but only in our own.

Following is a quotation of Elihu Root, U. S. Senator from
New York, taken from a pamphlet issued by the National Ameri-
can Woman Suffrage Association :

“I believe it (the granting of suffrage to women) to be false
philosophy ; I believe it is an attempt to turn backward along the
line of social development, and that if the step ever be taken we go
centuries backward on march toward a higher, a nobler and a
purer civilization, which must be found not in confusion, but in
the higher differentiation of the sex.”

We all know how doubts and objections were raised in regard
to woman suffrage. Summed up, there were really two objec-
tions: (1) The superiority of the male complex, and (2), the in-
feriority of the female complex.

The Susan B. Anthony amendment was first introduced into
Congress in 1878 by Senator A. A. Sargent of California, exactly
as she drew it up, and was as follows :

Section I. The right of citizens of the United States to vote
shall not be denied or abridged by any state on account of sex.

II. Congress shall have power by appropriate legislation to
enforce the provision of this Article.

There was an equal suffrage association that did active work
in Kansas and in 1861 the women there were given school suffrage.
The women banded together to not give up until entire suffrage
was won.

The ablest leaders of the suffrage organizations, however,
were in the East. They labored forty years intensely, but no

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

suffrage referendum was secured. The women of Wyoming voted
in 1869, in Utah in 1870, in Colorado in 1876, while Washington
gave suffrage to women in 1883 and re-enacted this law in 1889 —
twenty years for these four states. In 1896 the suffrage amend-
ment carried in Idaho.

In 1896 California went Republican and voted against the
suffrage amendment; and the Brewers & Wholesale Liquor
Dealers Association defeated the suffrage amendment submitted
by voters of California in 1882, 1900, 1906, 1908, 1910 and 1912.

After Wyoming, Utah, Colorado and Washington had suf-
frage for women, there were only two remaining territories, Ari-
zona and vAianoma, aim here as eloC where, the saloons check-
mated every effort to secure suffrage.

It is time to pause and pay tribute to whom tribute is due —
the saloons were running riot. It seemed that the main object for
the Brewers Association was the political protection of trade. All
will admit that this organization directed its powers in defense of
liquor interests. In 1874 the Woman’s Christian Temperance
Union was organized which was the largest woman’s organization
in any country. It was proven beyond a doubt the same men who
conducted anti-prohibition campaigns wTere against suffrage
amendment, one of the worst features being that the liquor inter-
ests applied the boycott to men favoring suffrage as they did to
those favoring prohibition. The state of Ohio encountered some
of these hardest fought battles. The methods employed through
the educational means of the W. C. T. U. were a great help and
one of the biggest aids in winning national suffrage. Through un-
just conditions the women were forced to fight their way to politi-
cal liberty.

In 1912 suffrage amendments were submitted to the electors
in six states: Arizona, Kansas, Oregon, Michigan, Wisconsin and
Ohio. Arizona, Kansas and Oregon won, the other states lost.

The first bill approved by the Governor of Alaska (1913) was
woman suffrage, and in 1913 Illinois women won the right to vote
for the President of the United States, for municipal officers, and
for those state officers not named in the State Constitution as
eligible by votes of male electors only. Illinois had an electoral
vote of 29. This victory for woman suffrage affected the nation.
The day following the Illinois municipal election, newspapers an-
nounced that women had closed more than one thousand saloons.
Liquor trade papers reported, “We told you so.”

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN ARIZONA

In 1914 referendum for woman suffrage in seven states was
submitted. Only two won, Montana and Nevada. Though only
two states were won in this year, active plans were made for Fed-
eral Suffrage Amendment. The last of all suffrage conventions
came to an end February, 1920.

While the American women labored for woman suffrage,
twenty -six countries gave the vote to their women. America s
delay no doubt was due to trading and trickery, the buying and
selling of American politics. In some places bosses wanted to as-
sert * ‘ their rights” as though they were kings; but in our Demo-
cratic Party, where many of our leaders were supporters of wo-
man suffrage, women were given a welcome and at once national
committeemen shared honors with our national committeewomen
When women came into politics they did not expect to lead, and
as yet have shown no signs of leading, but they do want to have
their say, and not only wanting to say, but does say by her ballot.

The suffrage amendment was finally passed by Congress
June 14, 1919. From January 10, 1878, when the bill was intro-
duced by Senator Sargent, until June 14, 1919, the term was forty
years and six months. The amendment was continuously pend-
ing, sometimes favorable, sometimes adverse reports. In all that
time the Senate committees made six reports only, and the House
committees made five in the thirty-five years between 1878 and
1913.

After the suffrage amendment was passed by Congress, it
had to be ratified by legislatures ot* at least 36 states. All but ten
states did ratify the amendment. So the women of the following
ten states were given the right to vote by the men of the other
states: Delaware, Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, South

Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and hlorida.
I am sure we are all justly proud that our state ratified.

At noon February 12, 1920, the first special session of the
Fourth State Legislature of Arizona voted to ratify the suffrage
amendment. Attached to the House Bill were the names of Mrs.
Nellie Haywood, Mrs. Rosa McKay, Mrs. J. W. WT estover and Mrs.
Pauline O’Neill. The resolution was signed and went promptly
to the Senate, which adopted the ratifying resolution at 9 :10
P. M. of the same day.

Woman suffrage agitation was started in Arizona in 1901
and a bill granting full suffrage was passed by the Legislature,
but was vetoed by Governor Brodie on constitutional grounds. A
real active campaign was begun in 1909 led by Mrs. Frances Wil-

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

lard Munds of Yavapai County, who was assisted by a number
of prominent women, especially members of the Woman’s Chris-
tian Temperance Union.

The Legislature was unwilling to act, resort was taken to the
people and in 1912 women were given the right of suffrage two to
one. The vote cast was for 13,452 to 6,202 against. At the first
election, after women had suffrage in Arizona, Mrs. Munds was
elected to the State Senate, to this date the only woman filling this
place in Arizona. In the House of the Legislature, the following
have served : Mrs. Rachel Berry, Mrs. Nellie Bush, Miss C. Louise
Boehringer, Mrs. J. H. Westover, Mrs. Theodora Marsh, Mrs. Rosa
McKay, Mrs. Vernettie 0. Ivy, Miss Gladys Walker and Mrs. B.
E. Marks, the last one the only Republican woman.

The first meeting to discuss the experience of women in poli-
tics was held about ten years ago and was attended by fourteen
nations. People from Australia, New Zealand, Great Britain,
Germany, Czecho Slovakia, Scandinavia, Holland, France and
Belgium were represented. They discussed the questions : Is there
a reaction against woman suffrage in your country ? If so, how
does it show itself ? And why does it exist. This was found to be
true : That no country had a movement to take the vote away
from women, nor was there any expressed desire to do so. There
was in every land a resistance to equality in political fields. You
know the saying that men are afraid of women voters ; some men
think women are not ‘ ‘ needed ’ ’ in politics. Many times men have
failed to clean up their politics because women have suffrage;
they must not expect the women to clean up what they have been
centuries making.

In the United States two women have served as Governors —
many have served in a judicial way — judges of supreme court,
etc., and many as members of the legislature — and serving with
credit to their sex, their party and their nation. There is nothing
the matter with woman suffrage in the United States. It is whole-
some— it surely supports the Eighteenth Amendment. Our critics
are slowly becoming reconciled, though the process is a little pain-
ful to some.

I am indebted to State Historian Major Geo. H. Kelly, to
the Story of the Woman ’s Party by Inez Haynes Irwin, to Woman
Suffrage and Politics by Carrie Chapman Catt and Nettie Rogers
Shuler, and to the librarians of the Phoenix Public Library for the
information and helps that have made it possible for me to con-
dense this little bit of history on woman suffrage.

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN ARIZONA

NOTE — Now for the year 1928; Arizona was not slow to
place honor and responsibilities on woman. In April of this year
Mrs. Fannie B. Gaar was elected Mayor of Casa Grande, Pinal
County. The first woman Chairman of any County Central Com-
mittee in Arizona was elected in September. Mrs. P .W. Hamil-
ton, of Coolidge in Pinal County, holds this office. She is a
Democrat — she will make good. Then, to balance affairs, she has
a man for her secretary. Think of that! Your humble servant
has served as secretary two years and treasurer four years on
Maricopa County Central Committee, but always there was a man
for Chairman.

MATTIE L. WILLIAMS.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE FIRST PIONEERS OF THE GILA VALLEY

(As Related by MRS. C. A. TEEPLES of Pima, Arizona.)

Many have attempted to tell who the first Gila Valley
pioneers were in Graham County. They have told it in public
and have printed it in the valley paper. Most of the earliest
pioneers have passed away, but they still live in the minds of all of
the true early pioneers, and those who speak of the first pioneers,
in most cases, have either forgotten or do not know the facts.

I am taking the liberty to tell who the first pioneers who came
to the Gila Valiev were ; how they were sent and what they ex-
perienced after arriving. In 1879 William Teeples came twice
to the Gila with two different companies from Northern Arizona,
in search of a new home. Some liked the valley, while others did
not. Those who were favorably impressed went to Jesse N. Smith,
who was then president of the Snowflake Stake of Latter Day
Saints, and reported conditions and their desires, and asked for
his advice in regard to colonizing the valley of the Gila. President
Smith told the men that he would go to Show Low, where their
camp was located and organize their colony. President Smith then
took with him a company and went to Show Low and held a meet-
ing at the home of Moses Cluff. At this meeting, J. K. Rogers was
chosen and set apart as presiding elder in the church, with Wil-
liam Teeples as first, and Henry Dallas as second counselors, and
Hyrum Weech, secretary. These leaders were instructed by Presi-
dent Smith to obey counsel and they would get along all right.
The little colony then made rapid preparations to start on their
journey. With the men, women and children they numbered
about twenty-five souls. The men and women drove the teams
while the boys drove the loose cattle, and everything proceeded
well.

When we reached Camp Apache our men went to get sup-
plies, so that we could continue on to the Gila Valley. When the
officers of the camp heard of our travels they desired to secure
the names and ages of every member of our company, and also
wanted to know of trouble from the Indians, but we did not know
of the danger at that time. We continued on and encountered
3ome very bad roads. When we reached Black River we crossed
over safely and camped for the night, but the next morning the
men and boys had to remove the large rocks from the mountain
road before we could go on. It was more of a trail than a

PIONEERS OF GILA VALLEY

road but after lots of bard work to get the way clear we passed on
by hitching nearly every team to a wagon and pulling one at a
time to the top of the hill. It took nearly the entire day to get over
the hill. In descending the grade, it was necessary to lock each
wheel of the wagon and tie a log behind to keep it from running
over the horses. We made the journey with only the slight break
of one bolt on a wagon and not a single accident, and reached the

Gila in safety. , , £ T 0

When we got to the Gila River we met a band of Indians.

Our company had crossed the river and camped for noon. The
men and boys went in swimming, and afterwards caught some
fish. I was getting the dinner ready. I had a plateful oi nice
fried fish and a plate of warm bread ready for the table, there
was a young Indian standing near ; he watched his chance and
when I wasn’t looking he grabbed both bread and tish and ran. i
then had to cook more bread and fish and this time kept it fiom
the sight of the Indians. After dinner we gathered our belong-
ings together and journeyed on. That night we camped near Mr.
Moore’s ranch, at Fort Thomas, and the next day, April 8, we ar-
rived at Pima. It was afternoon. The first thing we did was to
burn the tall grass for a camp site, where Pima now stands. There
were lots of insects, mice and snakes, and burning the grass made
it safer for a camp.

Tents were pitched and a townsite laid out into lots, and the
men drew tickets for their lots, which were numbered. Each man
went on his lot and went to work to improve it. They went to the
river and cut cottonwood logs with which to build their houses, and
exchanged work in building them. The first house finished was
for J. K. Rogers. It had a combination roof of willows, tall rush
grass then finer grass mixed with clay mud, and, lastly, dry earth
was put on to keep out the rain. Air. Teeples’ house was the first
one built with windows, doors and floors. This one was built with
two rooms, with a shed between. By the Fourth of July three
more families had arrived. They were Heber Reed, John Busby
and Sam Curtis.

We all joined together in celebrating this first “ July 4th” on
the Gila. There were also three other young men who had come
from Show Low and were working for the ranchers. These young
men did a good part in helping to make a success of the cele-
bration. Thev brought some ot‘ the provisions to help out with
the dinner. While some of the women were preparing the meal
others were taking part on a program. After dinner the men and
boys played games until chore time, then came the dance in

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

the evening. Planks were arranged around the rooms for seats.
Wm. Thompson played an accordian, while we all joined in the
dance. Everybody was enjoying themselves in the promenade
when Mrs. Patterson and her friends arrived, or, in other words,
“a band of ruffians. ” We were unaware of their coming until
they had unhitched their team and come to the house. There
were four women and five men in the company. As our people
were leaving the floor for their seats, after a dance, this group
came rushing in and pushed to the center of the room. They 'were
invited to be seated until it was their turn to dance. Each of the
women had tw'o revolvers and the men had one each. When they
went on to dance they removed their weapons and laid them down.
While the four couples were dancing the extra man slipped a re-
volver outside and hid it in the wragon. When it was discovered
that the gun was missing the women made a great disturbance
and began to accuse us “Mormons,” and demanded to know who
had taken it, Mr. Teeples asked them to be quiet and told them
that it would be found and proven that our people did not take
it. They searched the house and then went to the wagon and
found it there hidden under some things. They were peaceable
the balance of the time, but when they got started home they made
a terrible racket and drove like Satan was after them. This was
their introduction. They came again afterward.

Mr. Teeples had a good blacksmith shop and the ranchers
often came to have their tools repaired ; travelers would also stop
for meals. Some were clothed like human beings, but had the
manners of beasts — as wicked as sin could make them, and those
who were with them who would be decent, were afraid to object
to their actions for fear of death. One time a gang got into a
fight, beat one man until they thought him dead, then rode off
and left him. Later, some of them came back and found him still
alive and asked our people to care for him until he was well wdiieh
we did. Another time a man was taken away from the officers
and carried some distance up Ash Creek and hanged to a walnut
tree. Our people were asked to cut him down and bury him, which
they did. Other things were very trying. Our cattle at one time
all went blind and our men had a hard time to cure them from
this infection. At times the Indians were so bad that some of
the men would have to stand guard at night.

Many families came the first fall and winter. Some only re-
mained a short time and then went to St. David, where they could
get freighting as employment. Our men bought a threshing ma-
chine and threshed their own grain and hauled it, thus keeping

PIONEERS OF GILA VALLEY

77-

them in employment. They made their own flour at a great sav-
ing, as at that time flour was eight dollars a hundred. We would
get four pounds of sugar for one dollar and other groceries were
priced on the same basis. While the men were threshing they,
contracted malarial fever and were very sick. Mr. Wilton Hawes,
whose wife had died before he left Utah, was living on Mrs. Pat-
terson's ranch. He had a large family and they all took the fever
and chills, and his daughter narrowly escaped death. Mrs. b. H.
Rogers and I were called to go and care for this girl. We stayed ail
day, and worked with her until she was out of danger. That was on
Friday. The next morning (Saturday) my son took sick with
the same malady, and on Sunday he died. At this same time we
were threatened with having our stock driven off and ourselves
driven out on foot. But we weather edd it in spite of all the dis-
couragements and trials. # . , ,, , ,

In 1879 our colonv erected a log house m which to hold school
and church services, ‘in 1880 a number of new families arrived
and we felt more secure. Still at times we were threatened. Never
were men more faithful to their calling than were Mr. Rogers and
Mr Teeples. They went through all kinds of trials, which cannot
be mentioned here. Mr. Teeples’ greatest trial brought him to
his bed, and he was heartsick when he died. He divided his last
foot of land as an inducement to people to stay and help build the
colony. He also bought grain for seed, which he gave to them ;
and he did other things as great. Finally he died trying to do all
he could to hold the colony together. And he died penniless. Mr.
Rogers was never the same afterwards, for he had to carry a dou-
ble&load. Rueben Fuller and Henry Dali had to taste the bitter
pill also, but Mr. Dali later moved to Utah.

In the year 1880 Mr. Collins, of Ft. Thomas, sent a troop of
soldiers up to drive the colony away, but Jack O’Neil, who was
deputy sheriff of Ft. Thomas at the time, told the soldiers he
would come with them and see what was wrong. He had the sol-
diers stop down in the wash, while he came to talk with the lead-
ing men. He found them peaceable and that there was no cause
to molest us, and he sent the soldiers back.

In the summer of 1880 there was a small colony came fiom
the Little Colorado and settled on the north side of the river.
They rented land and planted it to corn and beans. Then they
were stricken with chills and there was none well enough to take
care of another. While they were in this troubled condition, the
Indians made a raid on them. There was but one man able to move
and he ran down to the river and started to cross. The river was

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

very high and soon his horse went down and left him to swim for
his life. He had a hard time reaching the shore, and when he did
it was near Mr. Moore’s farm at Ft. Thomas. lie called to a
Mexican to bring him some clothing, as he had lost his in the river.
He then borrowed a horse and rode up to Pima and gave the alarm
about the Indians. Our men built a raft and brought the sick peo-
ple across the river to Pima and cared for them until they were
well. Mr. Teeples took three families to his home — twenty-five
souls in all — stricken with chills and fever. Mr. Rogers and all
others who could take a family did so.

There was a baby in one family and the mother and baby
were very sick and sorely in need of help. When I found this out
I helped them. Later that fall and winter there was another
company came over the mountains, in great danger from the In-
dians, but the hand of the Lord guided them and they got through
all right. About that time A1 Kempton came with a company.
The night before they arrived at San Carlos the soldiers and In-
dians had a battle, and when the company came off the moun-
tain toward the river there were dead horses and dogs lying all
around, and the teams had to turn out of the road to get past them.
These are some of the things the first pioneers had to pass through
the first two years on the Gila. These staunch old pioneers were
ready to help all that needed help as long as they had a cent to
do it with. With all these trials and hardships they were faithful
and strong in the cause of truth, and rich in the spirit of the Lord,
our Redeemer. Our men paid for the right-of-way, and made the
first ditch, and made it possible for others to make homes here.
Through all this, the Teeples and Rogers had suffered many hard-
ships; nevertheless, but few know who the first pioneers were.
The first pioneers are dead and forgotten, and others get the praise
for something that does not belong to them. But there is still a
spark of fire left that will not die, and when the wind blows in
that direction it will come to life again. The children know what
their parents have gone through. These men should not be forgot-
ten, and when the different organizations of the young gather,
these organizations should bear the names of the first pioneers
and have the history of the community taught to them. The
pioneers should have all the honor due them, for they went
through more for the upbuilding of this valley than anyone, for
they came here with plenty and died poor men. For the sake of
these faithful pioneers, I will close with pleading, as the poet says,
“Please don’t let me die.”

(Signed) MRS. C. A. TEEPLES,

Pima, Arizona.

“THE NOONAN”

(By J. A. ROCKFELLOW)

Every cowboy in Cochise County knows the Noonan Ranch,
but surprisingly few people are familiar with its history.

From the town of Pearce, in the Sulphur Spring Valley,
looking clue west, one sees a long finger-like riclge of granite, a
spur of the main Dragoon range, which extends south and term-
inates rather abruptly, whence a pretty grassy mesa extends be-
3rond and flanks it on the east and on the west.

Butted against the end of this ridge Mike Noonan built a
one-room cabin of stone and adobe, with door at south and fire-
place at north end. Noonan was a big husky American-Irishman,
a hard-rock miner and a man of much horse sense. The writer
first met him at the old Signal Aline in Mohave County in 1878.
By ’81 Noonan had accumulated a small “stake” and embarked
in the cattle business. lie bought a small bunch bringing them to
this risky but ideal cattle range. lie sank a well in the arroya
about 200 yards south of the cabin and watered the cattle by pull-
ing water in buckets by hand.

From one side of the well he ran a drift above the water level
which was partly concealed by timbers.

The following year he purchased an additional herd. Two
miles northwesterly is the basin adjoining the historic Stronghold
of Cochise. In this basin, which now contains the noted Buckley
peach orchard, Noonan held the newly purchased herd temporari-
ly because it was a simple matter to keep them from straying by
guarding the entrance.

While Noonan had ridden hurriedly to his cabin to attend
to his cattle there, a band of Apaches came swooping down from
the north into the basin.

They had robbed a wagon train north of Willcox, killing the
drivers, were red-handed from the raid and loaded with loot.
Coming into the grazing cattle they shot them and speared them
with their lances until every animal was dead or dying, this in pure
wantonness. Later the writer counted 76 or 7S carcasses all with-
in an area of a half mile.

Hurrying back Noonan heard the shooting and the shouting
and through the opening in the hills could see the last of the
slaughter.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Just then an Indian look-out on the north boundary ridge
gave a signal : The ‘ * Boys in Blue” were coming on their trail
and it was time to move. In the hurry of going two or three ponies
were left behind as the Indians rode south, up the rocky ridge
separating the basin from the Stronghold canyon. One Indian
came back for the ponies but he was not observed by Noonan, who
had watched the stampede and who, as soon as he thought it safe,
rode in to see the wreck. Just as he passed the point that forms
the narrow entrance a bullet whizzed by his head.

Mike was a good shot and cool. Almost instantly he was on
the ground behind his horse and had a bead on Mr. Indian. His
long sharp rifle cracked and the Apache fell like a stuck-ox. The
bullet had caught him between the eyes. Noonan, as victor, got the
ponies but was looser his seventy odd cattle.

The soldiers came charging soon after, but the Indians, with
their fleet-footed ponies up in the rough rocks could out-travel
the big cavalry horses and escaped.

It was an Apache custom to get their dead away from the
hands of an enemy. The writer has known of them taking the
most desperate chances to accomplish this. But in the case of
Noonan’s ‘‘good Indian” it was never done. His flesh was food
for the coyotes and his bones left scattered about.

In 1883, General Crook, with the consent of the Mexican
Government, followed the trail of the bronco Apaches into Mexico,
and there made a treaty with them by which they promised to live
peaceably on the San Carlos Reservation in eastern-central
Arizona.

A few Indians returned with him ; others followed in bands
for a period of more than a year. But in June, 1885, they broke
out under Geronimo and renewed their deviltry. In the early fall
of that year the writer was living at the old N Y Ranch in the
valley ten miles from Noonan’s, and having some business with
Noonan drove up in the early evening prepared to spend the night.
About time to “turn in” a whoop from the outside announced the
arrival of a friend. In those days it was a rule of precaution to
whoop when approaching a ranch or a camp to avoid frightening
the occupants or getting a charge of buckshot from someone who
shot first and investigated afterwards. This caller proved to be
James Crowley, manager of the 3 C Cattle Company, who had just
come from Tombstone and who reported Indians in the middle
pass of the Dragoon mountains.

The writer suggested to Noonan that as soon as the moon
arose they drive down to the N Y and return next morning. Mike

“THE NOONAN”

said '‘No, but you must go as your horses are running in the
Stronghold canyon and if you don’t go and get them out before
daylight the Indians will have them sure.” Further lie said he
would take his gun and saddle, get down in the well in the drift
and stay till the sun was well up. Then as the cattle came in to
drink, if they were not excited he would know that no Indians
were about.

The writer felt he ought not to leave Noonan but the latter
insisted. Driving to the N Y he found a saddle-horse in the corral,
mounting him he rode to the Stronghold and brought out the
horse herd (a valuable group) and drove them down to the valley
before the break of day. Just as he was leaving Noonan the latter
said: “Wait a minute,” and writing something on a slip of

paper handed it over. Rather hesitatingly he said: “This is my
sister’s address. She lives in Baltimore. If anything should
happen to me I want her to have what I leave.”

In a few days the big raid occurred that took in the well
known Sulphur Spring Ranch. The Indians headed south with
a large herd of stolen horses. The few settlers in the community
■were soon mounted and after the forty or more Indians. The
writer being exceptionally well mounted was selected to ride to
some telegraph office and send word to General Crook at Fort
Bowie. Dragoon was the nearest telegraph station, distant from
Sulphur Springs about fifteen miles. x\fter a lively ride and a
deliberate return, one of the neighbors met the writer with the
announcement “They got Mike.” It seems that instead of keep-
ing on south the Indians had spied a troop of cavalry moving leis-
urely along northward and had then turned and run west to the
mountains. They entered Grapevine Canyon and kept on over
the trail northwest to the basin where Noonan ’s cattle had been
killed three years before. At the Grapevine two Indians evi-
dently had left the main bunch and slipped along the rocky ridge
south about a mile to the Noonan cabin. Their foot tracks could
be seen in places. They had slipped down the rocky bluff back
of the cabin and got around in range of the front door. The gen-
eral supposition was that Mike was in the cabin, that his dog
had barked or something had taken him to the door where he re-
ceived the fatal shot. However, he must have lived some time and
probably stood there, gun in hand, for his boots when found were
full of blood and there was also a pool of blood just inside the
door. Then as he became faint he had reeled back and fallen into
the big fireplace at the other end of the cabin.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

The Indians mutilated his body badly; they looted the cabin,
took among other things the leather skirts from his saddle, leav-
ing the saddle tree. They did not take the sharp rifle but ren-
dered it useless by breaking the stock.

When the writer learned of the tragedy he thought at once
of the slip of paper bearing the sister’s address. It was still in
his pocket-book. She was notified at once and as a result received
quite a sum of money, though much of the proceeds of the estate
was eaten up in administration costs and attorney fees.

The Noonan ranch is now owned by the Coronado Cattle
Company of which Mr. A. Y. Smith is president.

TUCSON IN 1847

Reminiscences of Judg F. Adams — Description of the Fort, Etc.

(From Arizona Daily Citizen, June 13, 1889.)

Judge F. Adams, of San Louis Obispo, Cal., a partner of Mr.
Frank Proctor, is in the city. Judge Adams is an old pioneer,
the oldest in fact in Arizona today. lie was first here in 18*7
when Tucson was a Mexican garrison. A command of sixty
men under Lieut. Schoonmaker left for Fort Bliss, Texas, as
bearer of dispatches to General Kearney, then in California. 1 hey
reached Tucson in November and attempted to take the fort, but
having neither cannon to knock it down nor ladders to scale the
walls they were obliged to content themselves with holding the
town, which consisted of about 25 families attached to the Mexi-
can garrison stationed here.

One walled square constituted the town proper. This square
was about 300 yards in extent and ivas walled solidly about. The
rear end or side of every house was built into and against the wall,
with the doors — windows there were none — opening into the in-
terior plaza. The mode of ingress and egress was through two
immense doors made of heavy timber put solidly together. The
rear of the houses adjoining the wall were built four or five feet
higher than the front or sides and thus afforded an effective
breast work to shoot from in case of attack. The fort was also a
walled square about 250 feet in diameter. It was situated about
300 yards from the town square. It was built of adobe. The
walls were about 12 feet high and commanded by two bastions sit-
uated at opposite corners and so constructed as to infilade the
walls from the point of each angle. They were supplied with one
small cannon, which, however, did no damage. The attacking
party could do nothing but ride around the walls, as the garrison
refused to come out. In this class of manoeuvering they had a
mule killed and that made up the sum total of casualties on both
sides. The Americans pitched their camp by one of the big
gates of the town and to guard against surprise, stationed pickets
both inside and out. On the fourth day they were joined by a
detail of five men from Fort Bliss, who had been sent after them
to order their recall. On the fifth day they began their return
march up the Santa Cruz, followed by the Mexican garrison.
When between Tucson and San Xavier they surprised a camp of
three Apaches and killed them. They killed another near San

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

Xavier, and still another at or near Canoa. The Mexican garrison
made a great show of pursuing them, but whenever the Americans
faced about they would scamper back in the direction of the town
at a great rate. Judge Adams said that he subsequently learned
that the garrison claimed to have won a great victory, but if they
did it consisted largely in keeping out of the way.

Apiil, 1849, in company with the partv of Texans under
Capt. Schoonmaker, they camped one night on the Mimbres River,
m New Mexico, when they were attacked by a party of Apaches

f^d^arl0f their stock stolen- They Allowed the Apaches into
the Mimbres mountains, where ill luck still waited on them. In
the fight which followed Captain Schoonmaker and six men were
killed and the balance of their stock taken. They then cached
their provisions and footed it back to Fort Bliss.

At this post Colonel Marcy was outfitting to survey the
boundary line between the United States and Mexico. Mr.
Adams joined his command as a private and was at once assigned
to the division of topographical engineers. The company to which
he belonged consisted of thirty-two men, there being less than a
hundred men in the entire force. They broke camp June 1, 1849,
and headed for Cow Springs ; thence they marched to the head
waters of the Gila, where they established the initiatory monu-
ment. From this point their course lay down the Gila, which they
followed to its confluence with the Colorado. From the beginning
to the end it was nothing but one continual wage of war. The
Apaches had left the higher ground and were camped alon^ the
river bottom. At the big bend of the Gila, some 50 or 60 Exiles
above Solomonville, they lost 14 men ; another was lost a short dis-
, a«ove where Solomonville now stands ; another at the mouth
of the San Pedro; still another at the Cienega; another at Gila
Bend, and another near where Tacna station now is; and so they
dwindled down until at the crossing of the Colorado but six men
remained out of the company which had started out with such
joyous hopes from Fort Bliss, thirty-one strong but a couple of
months before. The missing 25, including Lieut. Henry, com-
mandmg the company, brave frontiersmen, had died at the hands
of the Indians. Some had fallen in battle; others had been killed
while hunting a short distance from the troop. The other divi-
sions of the command suffered proportionately

At the crossing of the Colorado the Yumas disputed the
passage with great obstinacy and held the troop 13 days, running
off whatever stock they had left. The Indians also buffered scT-
verety, losing, as one of them afterwards told Mr. Adams, 47 men •

TUCSON IN 1847

and for a long time subsequently others continued to die of the
wounds received in attempting to resist the white man’s crossing.

At Antelope Peak, on the Gila near Taena, they found the
2 of* "'°man. She was lying in the brush on the river

hank She had evidently been dead some time as the body was
considerably dried. The wolves had torn the clothing from the
body and mangled it some, but her wealth of rich golden hair be-
he.r nationality. They dug a grave and reverently wrap-

W 1 'I1 ab°Ut T "asted form and buried what undoubted-

ly was the remains of the first white woman that ever trod the

bv Tmonn1S j?f Ar,zona- Her lonely resting place was marked
by a mound of stones, a portion of which is yet to be seen.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

ARIZONA IN 188 1— OFFICIAL ROSTER

A Business Directory and Gazeteer of Arizona, published in
1881, by \V. C. Disturnell, gives the white population of that year
as 40,441. The legislature, which met at Prescott in 1881, cre-
ated three new counties — Gila, Graham and Cochise, which
brought the total number of counties in the territory to ten, as
follows: Apache, Cochise, Gila, Graham, Maricopa, Mohave,

Pima, Pinal, Yavapai and Yuma. Since that date four other
counties have been brought into existence by legislatures: Coco-
nino, Santa Cruz, Navajo and Greenlee, the latter being the
youngest county, its existence dating from January 1, 1911.

In 1881 Arizona had made but little industrial progress.
Some agricultural development had been accomplished in the
vicinity of Tucson, Florence, Safford, Phoenix and Yuma. The
mines at Clifton were producing some copper and mining develop-
ment had been started in the Bisbee district. There had been no
important development in the Jerome district at that time. Tomb-
stone was in the heyday of its prosperity as a mining camp. Up
to that time mining development had been principally for gold
and silver. The Old Dominion was starting in the Globe district,
which was known as a silver camp at that time ; the famous Silver
King. Previous to that time the Vulture and Vekol had at-
tracted attention.

According to the national census of 1880, the population of
towns and cities, which have grown into greater prominence or
declined since that date, were as follows: Benson, 300; Bisbee,
population not given but it had a brewery and four saloons. The
late John F. Duncan, of Tombstone, was justice of the peace and
H. C. Stillman, now living at Douglas, was agent for Wells, Fargo
and Company. Florence had a population of 942; Globe, 1400;
Phoenix, 180*0; Prescott, 2074; Tombstone, 6000 to 7000; Tucson,
9000 ; Yuma, 1232.

In 1881 the officials then holding office in the several coun-
ties were as follows :

Apache County — Charles A. Franklin, probate judge; E. S.
Stover, sheriff; W. R. Rudd, district attorney; Dionicio Baca,
treasurer; R. J. Bailey, recorder; Antonio Gonzales, Luther Mar-
tin, and C. E. Cooley, supervisors.

Cochise County — J. II. Lucas, probate judge; J. II. Behan,
sheriff ; Lyttleton Price, district attorney ; John O. Dunbar, treas-
urer; A. T. Jones, recorder; M. E. Joyce, Joseph Tasker and

ARIZONA IN 1881

Joseph Dyer, supervisors; R. J. Campbell, clerk board of super-
visors; Rodman M. Price, Jr., surveyor; II. M. Matthews, coro-
ner; George Pridham, public administrator; I. N. Mundcll, ben-
son; J. F. Duncan, Bisbee,; James C. Burnett and D. II. Holt,
Charleston; E. A. Rigg, Contention; George .Ellingwood, Galey-
ville; Charles Ackley, Hereford; A. 0. Wallace, A. J. Felter and
Wells Spicer, Tombstone; A. F. Burke, Willcox, — justices of the

PeaCGila County— G. A. Swasey, probate judge; W. W. Lowther,
sheriff; Oscar M. Brown, district attorney; D. B. Lacey, treas-
urer; P. B. Miller, recorder; J. D. Smith, F. W. Westmeyer and
George Danforth, supervisors; John J. Harlow, clerk board ot
supervisors; A. G. Pendleton, surveyor; C. A. Macdonell and E.

J Pring, coroners; I . C. Stallo, public admimsti ator , George
A. Allen’ Globe; J. Willett, Grapevine Springs; T. T. Overton,
McMillen; C. Cline, Reno; C. Fraser, Richmond Basin; Reuben
Wood, San Carlos; George B. Walker, Stanton,— justices of the

peace. . ~ ~

Graham County— George Lake, probate judge; C. b. Rose,
sheriff ; Neri Osborn, district attorney; I. E. Solomon, treasurer;
W. F. Clarke, recorder, Adolph Solomon, A. M. Franklin and
Johnathan Foster, supervisors; George H. Stevens, clerk board
supervisors; James Haynes, surveyor; E. D. Tuttle, coroner;
Thomas Neese, public administrator; E. Mann, Camp Thomas;
S. W. Pomeroy, Clifton; E. D. Tuttle, Safford; D. W. Wicker-
sham, Solomonville,— justices of the peace.

Maricopa County — Thomas G. Greenhaw, probate judge;
L H Orme, sheriff ; A. I). Lemon, district attorney ; John George,
treasurer ; R. F. Kirkland, recorder ; J. L. Gregg, Michael Worm-
ser and C. T. Hayden, supervisors; Frank Cox, clerk board of su-
pervisors; Joseph D. Reed, coroner and public administrator; F.
M. Pomerov, Mesa City; G. II. Rothrock, M. Jackson and
James Richards, Phoenix; J. A. Barstow, Tempe; J. II. Gittord,
Vulture — justices of the peace.

Mohave Countv — Charles Atchison, probate judge; John
C Potts sheriff; j. W. Stephenson, district attorney; W. A.
Langley,’ treasurer; John K. McKenzie, recorder ; L. C Welborn,
William II. Hardy and W. R. Grounds, supervisors; H. bucks-
baum, clerk board of supervisors; James J. Hyde, public adminis-
trator; James J. Hyde, Mineral Park; Samuel 0. Prince, Sandy,
— justices of the peace.

Pima County— John S. Wood, probate judge; R. II. Pauli,
sheriff; Hugh F. Farley, district attorney; R. X. Leatherwood,

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

treasurer; Charles R. Drake, recorder; William C. Davis, B. M.
Jacobs, Michael Fagan, supervisors; E. W. Risley, clerk board
of supervisors; L. D. Chillson, supervisor; W. B. Horton, public
administrator; Volney E. Rollins, Arivaca ; P. J. Coyne, Greater-
ville ; Trevor Lloyd and J. W. Fuqua, Harshaw ; R. S. Barclay,
Luttrell; Arthur Thatcher, Oro Blanco; T. Lillie Mercer, Tubac;
C. H. Meyers, Joseph Neugass and W. J. Osborn, Tucson ; A. J.
Davidson, Tullyville ; R. Harrison, Washington Camp, — justices
of the peace.

Pinal County — George L. Wratten, probate judge; J. P. Ga-
briel, sheriff ; H. B. Summers, district attorney ; Peter R. Brady,
treasurer; John J. Devine, recorder; Patrick Holland, John T.
Bartleson and G. F. Cook, supervisors; J. D. Walker, clerk board
of supervisors; Henry Schoshusen, public administrator; J. Mil-
ler, Florence; W. H. Benson, Pinal, — justices of the peace.

Yavapai County — A. 0. Noyes, probate judge; Joseph R.
Walker, sheriff; Joseph P. Hargrave, district attorney; E. J.
Cook, treasurer; William Wilkerson, recorder ; J. N. Rodenburg,
W. A. Cline and J. M. Myers, supervisors; D. F. Mitchell, clerk
board of supervisors ; Thomas W. Simmons, public administrator ;
John Mans, Agua Fria; John Anderson, Alexandra; John Stem-
mer, Ash Creek; S. E. Miner, Big Bug; George C. Waddell,
Bradshaw; George W. Hull, Central Verde; Richard De Kuhn,
Cherry Creek; S. C. Reese, Chino Valley; W. H. Smith, Crook
Canon; J. Trotter, Gillette; William Burch, Green Valley; D.
Monroe, Lower Agua Fria ; Frank E. Jordan and Murray Mc-
Inernay, Lower Verde; C. Y. Shelton, Lynx Creek; P. Wilder,
Mount Hope ; Andrew Jackson, Oak Creek ; J. H. Pierson, Peeples
Valley; John Hicks, Pine Creek; Paul M. Fisher, Henry W.
Fleury and J. L. Hall, Prescott; J. Douglass, Snyder’s Holes; H.
Anderson and A. J. McPhee, Tip Top ; W. W. Nichols, Upper
Verde; W. H. Williseraft, Walnut Creek; George Jackson, Wal-
nut Grove ; C. P. Stanton, Weaver ; H. M. Clack and E. R. Nichols,
Williamsons Valley, — justices of the peace.

Yuma County — Isaac Levy, probate judge ; Andrew Tyner,
sheriff; H. N. Alexander, district attorney; George Martin,
treasurer; Samuel Purdy, Jr., recorder; Leopold Furrer, George
M. Thurlow and C. II. Brindley, supervisors; George M. Knight,
clerk board of supervisors; Walter Millar, surveyor; J. H. Tag-
gart, coroner; Henry R. Mallory, Ehrenberg; A. D. Crawford,
Sileni; C. H. Brindley and W. H. Tonge, Yuma, — justices of the
peace.

ARIZONA IN 1881

Federal and Territorial Officials

John C. Fremont, “The Pathfinder,’* was governor of Ari-
zona in 1881. Other territorial and federal officials serving Ari-
zona at that time were :

Secretary of the Territory — John J. Gosper.

Territorial Auditor — E. P. Clark.

Territorial Treasurer — Thos. J. Butler.

Supt. Public Instruction — M. H. Sherman.

Delegate to Congress — Granville II. Oury.

Chief Justice Supreme Court — G. G. W. French.

Associate Justice, Tucson — W. H. Stillwell.

Associate Justice, Phoenix — DeForest Porter.

Clerk Supreme Court — Wm. Wilkerson.

U. S. Attorney — E. B. Pomroy, Tucson.

U. S. Marshal — C. P. Dake, Prescott.

Surveyor General — John Wasson, Tucson.

Depository of Public Moneys — C. II. Lord, Tucson.

Receiver Land Office — C. E. Dailey, Tucson.

Receiver Land Office — George Lount, Prescott.

Collector Internal Revenue — Thomas Cordis, Tucson.
Inspector Customs — S. M. Ballesteros, Charleston.

Inspector Customs — A. J. Keen, Tucson.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

CAMELS IK THE SOUTHWEST

By COLONEL C. C. SMITH, U. S. Army Retired,
in Army and Navy Courier

One day while standing in one of the rooms of the Natural

thosI^T .Exhl,blt’ at. Exposition Park in Los Angeles, looking at
the skeleton of a prehistoric camel taken from the La Brea tar pits
on Wilshire Boulevard in Los Angeles, I remembered that I had

onrthdAf b- 6 dat^ °'l1 the later day cameIs that were brought from
north Africa and the region around Smyrna in Asia Minor for

m- 8ob' ^uduin^?ded in this da‘a were several n’ews-
p. P . 1PpP1°s which had been taken from papers at various
the"’ t00’ bbfi sight of the La Brea skeleton recalled an
“f, ,of mj boyhood days 111 Arizona— the time when a school-
mate told me one day in the year of 1880, that in the summer of
the preceding year, he and some other boys were swimming in
e ®da ™vf.L near tbe t°wn of Florence, when they saw a lone
animal, the like of which they had never before seen, strav down
to the river for water— an old bull camel, which alarmed them to
uch an extent, that they left the water hurriedly, donned their
slnrts and pantaloons and streaked it for town, where thev told
of what they had seen, only to be laughed at for their pains ‘ This

SKt ast °£ th,° caaleIs turned adrift after their
usefulness had been condemned, about the beginning of the Civil

War— ever seen in the Southwest.

Who was responsible for the introduction of the camel as
pack traiisportation for the army in the Southwest is a moot point
It has generally been accredited to Jefferson Davis, later presi-
dent of the Confederate States, but at the time of the advent of
the camel Secretary of War. That Mr. Davis had much to do with

from whaCMUh S ‘V U‘n Cd St,ates for army use il is true, but

seems that i f ab e ta glean in a stucly of the matter it

seems that the first man to advance the idea of their use on the

and plains of the southwest was Mr. George R. Gliddon, who had
^rved many years as United States Consul in the Levant. Mr.

ohn R, Bartlett, United States Commissioner on the American-
Mexican Boundary Survey, in 1850, noted that camels o“o

Glide's id« Ul 1 V6St’ th°Ugh he StateS he was ^iterating Mr.

About this same time Lieutenant Edward F. Beale U. S.
av>, w 10 with Ivit Carson, and an Indian, were the hero mes-

CAMELS IN THE SOUTHWEST

mended the wsfoffamds inf he^ou^”*! in.California- recom-
Beale’s idea was madTknow^before S At? ^Tl °f faCt
San Pascual, Beale and Car™ ,!! 16 °' After the battle of
fornia to Washington with dtoft 1 e escnt overland from Cali-
it was on this 1^’ and

camel idea, and it came about beeanf^’ 77 ’V\ e hit uPon the
ned a book of travels bv \hhn ti f J1? !lls saddle bags he car-
and Tartary, ’ ’ f which tt cameT wf o f' “Wels - China
book, which he would read aloud to r'r fte" raentloned. This
and the type of country thev were tralf “ tle'r various camps,

Kf tsir ^hin%7 the --e^hXst smbX

togive out the idea,^ieh\^t^t

™.T?n '.'Ll l",*, '» ™ o, „„

In 1851 when the arrnv mL “le Southwest, are about these:
Jefferson Davis, then a senator 'from AD b®fore ConSress,
amendment providing for the purchase Vss>lsslPPb proposed an
sary equipment, for use k tl J “ ft Cf "6 t With the "ex-

portation of ten Arab drivers This! ,est’ together with the im-
gold rush to California but * "as ^urin8> the days of the

California papers then tonin '8 f mendment was lost. The
“Lightning Dromedary Express ” midtoe'UP’ oI.amorinS for a

United Stfef' JIafrVlfrv°cUVfe™ of Bm'o " them t0 the
Department of the army was detailed^ » the. Quartermaster ’s
and Asia Minor for this purpos Hk PTeed *° North Africa
was to go to Spezia in Italy and timrf f in ^ ''S ,?7ified that he
Ply, commanded bv Lieutenant D t/ p* 7° V' S- Ship “Sup-
the Civil War) which was to f if 3t °rter (Admiral during
and to Smyrna picking such camels ! 7 C°a,St 0t Xortii Africa
and take them to the port of Indianoli t7C dee,mt‘d serviceable
to say that in 1851, when he S f 8' f ,s hero Proper
Congress Major Wayne had been detiiDd to Came *'P in
the camel, and so interested did ?/ \ wake a study of

failure of the bill i„ Conf ess!, 1 ent 7r° ‘hat,’ i,! sPite of the
edge by all sorts of study and in™* ddl"S, *° Jlis camel knowl-
knowledge was further added to b ! to ,h<! bfast' And this
m London and Paris prior to joining the »Su5p^ .^^de,“

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

In the American Legion Monthly for January 1928, is a fine
article by Robert Ginsburgh entitled, “The Camels Are Coming/ ’
and from this is quoted how the first camel was obtained by Major
Wayne :

“The vessel dropped anchor off the Geoletta, port of Tunis,
August 4, 1855, on a market day and Wayne and Porter went
ashore. The natives eyed the American Army and Navy repre-
sentatives with mingled feelings of curiosity and suspicion as they
marched through the crooked lanes leading to the market place.
Veiled Mohammedan women risked the curse of Allah to peer at
their military figures. A swarm of small children followed at
their heels and every Oriental with an eye for business offered
them all the bargains in the city’s trading center.

“Camels were selling cheap that day but no sooner did
Wayne seek a question when the prices jumped miraculously.
The Arab auctioneer muttered something unintelligible, but a
kindly self interpreter, with the aid of his hands and feet, ex-
plained to Wayne that the price asked was the equivalent of twen-
ty dollars.

“Sold. I’ll take one.”

“Wayne raised his arm and nodded his head. As he began to
fumble in his pockets for the necessary cash, a cheer broke forth
in the market place. Never before in the memory of those who
gathered daily on the “Camel Exchange” had an animal been
sold on the first quotation. The surprised auctioneer offered to
escort the beast to the American’s lodging, and as he started,
flanked on one side by the camel and on the other by representa-
tives of the American Army and Navy, the motley crowd fol-
lowed. The triumphal procession marched to the water’s edge
and stopped while the camel was invited to get aboard a Tunesian
craft.

“The beast refused. He was coaxed, cajoled and finally
whipped, but he held his ground successfully. Several enterpris-
ing sailors of the “Supply” had rigged up a block and tackle
and were about to hoist him aboard when a Tunesian custom offi-
cial arrived and stopped the proceedings.

“Camels could not be taken out of Tunis without a permit.
Wayne and Porter had overlooked the little formality. While
they debated as to their next step, the disinterested camel sat
down in its tracks and blinked at the entire performance.

“The American Consul-General, W. P. Chandler, was ap-
pealed to but even he could not get the embargo lifted without
special permission of the Bey of Tunis. An interview wras ar-

CAMELS IX THE SOUTHWEST

ranged with Mohammed Pasha, the Bey, and after the usual diplo-
matic formalities were exchanged the Americans informed the
ruler of their mission. He listened attentively and volunteered
to go down to the docks in person to expedite the immediate ship-
ment of the camel. As soon as he saw the beast which required
his personal intervention, a broad grin broke over his bronzed
countenance. He cast a glowing glance at his subjects who were
still assembled in large numbers at the water’s edge, and form-
ally authorized the exportation of one camel beyond the continen-
tal limits of the realm of Tunis.

“By this time the patient camel, unaccustomed to such form-
alities, had grown restless and it required a number of natives to
control him. With the entire crew of the “Supply” and a num-
ber of Tunesian volunteers, the first of Uncle Sam’s publicly
owned camels was finally placed on the native craft, rowed along-
side the “Supply” and hoisted aboard. He was stowed in a stall
below decks. ’ ’

On Feb. 15, 1856, the “Supply” left Smyrna for the United
States with thirty-three full grown animals and one small calf;
and with them were some Arab attendants. During the voyage
four camels died, but six had been born on the trip, so thirty-six
beasts were landed at Indianola.

Camp Verde near Kerrville, Texas, was selected as the east-
ern end of the camel route, Fort Davis (Texas), as an intermedi-
ate station, and Fort Yuma, California, as the western terminal
point. Shortly after landing at Indianola the camels were taken
to Camp Verde, with their Arab drivers. At Camp Verde a reg-
ular Asiatic caravansary was built at considerable expense to the
government, and the route was then inaugurated. Six months
after the arrival of the first batch, forty more were landed at Gal-
veston, and sent to Fort Davis and thence west, so that at one time
it was not an uncommon thing to see detachments of soldiers with
camel pack transportation in El Paso and Tucson.

The American camel experiment was doomed to failure, for a
reason which even in their own native countries, they have been
known to be rendered useless, and which is best described in the
quotation below from Lawrence’s “Revolt in the Desert”, (page
80, last paragraph) a most entertaining work only recently pub-
lished— Lawrence says : “Camels brought up on the sandy plains
of the Arabian coast had delicate pads to their feet ; and if such
animals were taken suddenly inland for long marches over flints
or other hard-retaining ground their soles would burn and at

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

least crack in a blister ; leaving quick flesh two or more niches
across, in the center of the pad. In this state they could march
over sand ; but if, bv chance, the foot came down on a pebble,
they would stumble, or flinch as though they had stepped on fire,
and in a long march might break down altogether unless they
were very brave.”

At first, the imported animals were found to be very hardy,
and the first practical test made to find out if they were as good
as pack mules and wagon mules was a success. On one occasion
a train consisting of wagons drawn by army mules and a caravan
of six camels were sent a distance of sixty miles, over an average
frontier road. The result was much in favor of the camels. Two
wagons with a combined load of 1 V2 tons, each wagon drawn by six
big° army mules, took four days to make the trip. The six camels
carrving the same load made the trip in two and a half days. On
another occasion the camel was tested over a rough, stony road
during time that it was raining, and wet and muddy, and again
beat the wagons.

But the real test had not come. As summer came, there were
long droughts accompanied by hot winds and sand storms. Topi-
cally Saharan. The camels carried more than the mules could
puli, and needed less water and food, but the camels began to
lag behind the mule trains— what was the cause ? The staunchest
friends of the camels acknowledged that they could not stand the
small, flinty rocks in the Texas, New Mexico and Arizona soil.
These igeneous rocks literally cut the soft padded feet of the
camels to pieces when the soil was dry. W hen the soil wTas wet
from the rain the beasts could travel with absolutely no discom-
fort. As the Southwest is very dry most of the time, the camels
proved useless.

Reference to the use of a camel in Price's “ Across the Conti-
nent with the Fifth Cavalry,” in the second paragraph on page
61, reads, “On Captain Whiting's arrival at Camp Verde, Texas,
(August 1857) en route to his station (Camp Sabinal) he ex-
changed his pack mules for a camel, which proved an unmitigated
nuisance, as it was always late getting into camp. The cavalry in
Texas did not take kindly to camel transportation, and the experi-
ment was soon abandoned.”

There was another drawback to the use of camels, and that
was that they frightened the horses and mules traveling with
them. Horses ran away and mules turned over their wagons;
and, too, the soldiers had no patience with these beasts from for-
eign parts. At the beginning of the Civil War when Camp \ erde

CAMELS IN THE SOUTHWEST

fell the hands of the Confederates, the camels proved a bur-
den to them, and some were sold and others turned loose. This
action was followed at other camel stations, accounting for the few
that later were seen from time to time in a practically wild state.

A mining company in Nevada — after the army experiment —
tried them, but this company also concluded that they were use-
less, and thus passed from the scene of worldly endeavors the use
of the camel in the Southwest. These animals, in small numbers,
seem now to be used to good advantage in motion picture desert
scenes, but this is because they are used in a strictly sandy country
where there are no ilinty pebbles to injure their feet, and besides,
these camels are never subjected to the long marches under vary-
mg weather conditions as were the old army camels which demon-
strated fully that they were not a beast of burden for the South-
west.

Addenda

The foregoing article was written about April 1st, 1928. On
Tucsoel Arizona> and while having dinner at the
Old Pueblo Club with Mr. Ed Vail, of the Vail Cattle Company
we got to talking of the army camels in the Southwest. Mr. Vail
a splendid young old man of about 80, told me that when he first
came to Arizona m 1S7S, he remembered that people often spoke
oi a smail herd of camels running at large in the Gila valley in the
region of Florence. He further said he knew Hi Jolly, who at
that time was living m Tucson, well, now Hi Jolly was the head
cameleer brought over from Asia Minor when the first camels
were brought over ; and he got his name from the soldiers at Camp
Verde who preferred Hi Jolly to Hadji (one who has made the
pilgrimage to Mecca) as the Arab was respectfully called by the
other Arabian cameleers under him.

Historian s Note— Colonel C. C. Smith sends the following
clipping from the Los Angeles Times of May 6th, 1928 which
shows that they still plan to make the camel a useful beast of
burden in our and southwest, as they did seventy years ago.

«optA3I?LS SERVE as taxicabs to desert RE-

SORT: Arrangements are being made by the Southern Pacific
Railroad to provide accommodations on its Indio station grounds
in the Coachella \ alley, for a herd of camels, which will carry
travelers to nearby points of interest in the desert. Last week a
caravan of four camels met the Sunset Limited and gave smht-
seers a thrill, carrying them on camelback across the desert sands
to the palm-shaded oasis of Biskra, a few miles distant.

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

The test showed the camels are very popular with Easterners
and Californians alike. Charles H. Jonas, who obtained the co-
operation of the railroad officials, is negotiating with Sherman
I. Horne, one of America’s chief importers of foreign animals,
for the purchase of a camel herd, which will establish a permanent
caravan service between Indio and the Biskra oasis and other
near-by points of interest.

building the s. p.

building the southern pacific railroad

THROUGH ARIZONA

The Southern Pacific Bulletin, published monthly by the
advertising department of the Southern Pacific Railroad System
of f R pubbshm£ recently a series of articles giving ‘ ‘ The Story
of the Beginning of Southern Pacific. ’ ’ Chapter 34 of these artf

t!lk rT inithre ,°Ct0ber (1928> number the Bulletin"
in the foRowing' °f th“e HneS into Arizona aad New Mexico

delav in°r<fatr^tl0U °r S brit3ge across tbe Coi<>rado River and
delay in reaching an agreement with military authorities for per-

mission to lay tracks across the reservation at Ft Yuma held the

oeptcmner 30 18/7, when the first Southern Pacific train crossed
the boundary hue of California and Arizona into Yum theTa

f“a , Vlllage Juf aeross tl>e river from the armv post which had
been known as Arizona City before 1873.

and a hMf ^ i‘h® tCt'!ninuS of the railroad for about a year

and a half as w ell as being the end of the line for the sta-e coaches

and freighting teams operating east into Arizona and New Mex

tor,vnd T ° Sa-n Dieg0- lt was in the Southwest that the his-
a“d r0D!ant'c stage coaches made their last stand in the
west as a mode of extensive transportation

Mexico^on the JSS®? transportatio? through Arizona and New
Mexico on the old transcontinental route lasted only about 29

years until replaced by the railroad. Though considered lux"
unous at the time, travel in the stage coaches pS^mSr'
hardships and discomforts when thought of in the light of pres.
ent-day travel, to say nothing of the constant peril of raids from
Indians, particularly through the Apache country and from
bandits and other renegades along the route.

Mule Back Travel

advertisement dated at San Antonio July 1 1858 stated •
assengers and express matter are forwarded in new coaches of
the San Antonio and San Diego Stage Company, dTaX by six

desert oTToO mil^TvVich^'1 °f °Ur eXCCpting tbe Collado
aesert ot 100 n lies which are crossed on mule back. An armed

eswort travels through the Indian country with each mail TrTfn

sengers are provided with provisions during the trip except

where the coach stops at public houses along the fine, at which each

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

passenger will pay for his own meal. Each passenger is allowed
SO pounds of personal baggage exclusive of blankets and arms ”
On sections of the route less than 300 miles in length the
travel usually was continuous day and night, in deference to mail
contracts. A passenger within the lurching “thorough-brace”

*tageSp .c,fuf [tt,a fe,w winks of sleep by passing an arm through
one of the leather loops hanging for that purpose from the side
of the coach. There was slight break in the monotony of the desert

mud bult ProsPeet ahead of arrival at some desolate

mud-built station where water, whiskey and the roughest
tood could be secured while the stage team was being changed!

First Stage Line

stage line on the Southern route, which was
T.,h !tht'Glia Ku-er and later closely followed by the main line

hnn PaClflC’ t.hat of the San Antonio and San
Diego Stage Company, which inaugurated its service in 1857 31*
when three coaches made the journey from San Diego to Tucson
in three days. On early stage lines through the Southwest, pas-
senger and express service was subordinate to the mail contracts
irom which the running expenses were assumed to come The
first service was semi-monthly.

t fI,n,1o?8’ °Ver this same road- "as operated the famous But-
Staf route on semi-weekly service. The first trip east-
ward started from San 1 rancisco September 16, 1858. The east-
ern stage terminus was Tipton, Mo., end of the Missouri Pacific
railroad, then 160 miles long. John Butterfield met with a bi°-
ovation when he stepped from the train at St. Louis with the first
pouch of mail having made the 2759-mile trip from the Pacific
„.°ast c‘tA m the wonderful time of 24 days, 20 hours and 30 min-

cIm, JinnnT1Ce tat“ i)“ame dail-v- The route with its 100
coache^ iOOO horses and 7o0 men was abandoned at the outbreak
of the Civil W ar, for its military guards had to be withdrawn.

Indian Peril

In 1864 Sol Barth carried mail from Prescott to Albuquer-
que, subcontracting with Ben Block. The mail was carried weekly
provided the carrier wasn’t killed by Indians. Regular mail
service from southern Arizona does not seem to have been re-estab-

««% *. sr

rsMA ■■ w.

Youmans, started from San Diego November 15 l8S7°ytS?' i K^r * fim mi'1 r,de5* Chjrl,e
nzo Creek and rode to Yuma (then YaTger Ferrvl I in ° ^ Lthe mai! P°uch at Car'

horses. ' 1 aefeer rerry), I JO miles, in j2 hours without changing

BUILDING THE S. P.

nshed until about 1869. Daily service was established in 1875

^ Pacific1- aet^acb°rd COaCreS’ theseeonneeting with the South-
eastward succeeding terminal as the rails were laid

In addition to the stage coaches for mail, passenger and ex
tween th61"6 frei=llt,nS teams which did the heavy hauling be-
Shter’ waTe ' Sma1' communities in ‘he Southwest. “The

dust Some of the freighting outfits of those days were “
inspiring affairs, lhe team might be anything up to ?4 mules

Stiated *Tbe lme,’ Md !landled " ith -kill marvelous tTthe
unmitiated. TJie muie, without doubt, was the greatest traotirm

*tor‘"'h' upbuilding of the Southwest. Oxfn at first were

except^ H?1 v6m the,C0Untry "as t0° hot and too dry. Horses

saTid-sad^rnSr-" ra"'hlde’ °Utfit’ SUffered mueh from the

captured for circuses. Wm. Hood, chief engineer of the Sent l!‘

He11 Sa,ld he and his men frequently saw camels on the

desert during the time the railroad was being bud!

Trains of Wagons

v T^^reioilting‘ wagons were especially built for this serving
Sh ?.?r*S' “I'V'l? brfdi»S «"'l iooJ of Hi,

~Xp:^T.S.i0i”d ror

At about the time the railroad reached Yuma fimii *>pp +
«r. h-, m.d, i„ Cong,,,, s„ fwS.UtofSS fit

100

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVIEW

lands for building the Texas and Pacific railroad via Tucson and
Yuma to San Diego. The Southern Pacific stood ready to build
the road east from Yuma without subsidy and this condition
caused a remarkable contest in Washington between Collis P.
Huntington, representing the interests of the Southern Pacific,
and Tom Scott, then president of the Texas and Pacific. The issue
was finally settled against the latter company and, on November
19, 1878, ground was broken at Yuma for continuation of the
Southern Pacific eastward. 32a- Unusually rapid construction
followed and the 1,183 miles of track through the sparsely settled
and mostly desert region was built and put in operation to San
Antonio. Texas, in about 50 months, which was comparable to the
best records of the earlier railroad building over the Sierra Ne-
vada Mountains in California and across Nevada.

At that time there were no towns or settlements and only
stage stations between Yuma and Tucson, about 252 miles, except-
ing at a short distance northerly there were the cross roads, store,
blacksmith shop, etc., now known as Phoenix, and the small vil-
lages of Tempe and Florence. From Tucson eastward there were
stage stations onlv as far as El Paso ; about 311 miles, with the
small towns of Silver City and Mesilla at a considerable distance
north of the railroad route.

“Law West of the Pecos”

From El Paso eastward there w~ere small villages in the first
few miles of the Rio Grande River bottom and then nothing but
stage stations and small military posts as far as what is now
Marathon, 254 miles from El Paso, thence to Del Rio, 197 miles
from Marathon, there was no one living. The country was entire-
ly vacant southward from the Mexican boundary and northward
for a great distance. It was in this region that a few j ears after-
ward, when a very few settlers had come in, “Law West of the
Pecos” held sway. From Del Rio to San Antonio, 169 miles, the
country was sparsely settled with a few very small towns, now
grown beyond recognition.

Before the railroad reached Yuma practically all the supplies
for the Southwest were shipped by steamer from San Francisco
down the coast, around lower California and up the Gulf to Port
Isabel, where the cargoes wTere shifted to light draft sternwheel
boats and the journey continued up the Colorado River to points

Note 32a — Construction work across Arizona and New Mexico was carried on under the
names of the Southern Pac.fic Ra.lroad Company of Arizona, incorporated September .0. 18/8.
and the Southern Pacific Ra.lroad Company of New Mexico, incorporated Apr.! 14 1879. Both
companies were consolidated with the Southern Pacific Company on March 10. 19U-.

BUILDING THE S. P.

101

in Arizona. Many passengers preferred this water route to the
shorter, but more tedious, stage journey in reaching points in
northern Arizona. Most of this river traffic was carried on by the
Colorado River Steamer Navigation Companv, which was pur-
chased by the Southern Pacific during 1877.

Constructing eastward from Yuma, the railroad crept up the
bottom land alongside the Gila River to the station now known
as Wellton, at that time Adonde Wells. This original line was
washed away in 1892, when a dam in the Gila River gave way, and
in the following year the present line was relocated on higher
ground. Two surveys were made from Wellton. One maintained
a light grade passing around the end of the Mohawk Mountain
close to the Gila River and going into the present road near Aztec.
The other route, and the one chosen, was over Mohawk Summit
and thence by easy construction to Gila Bend, now the station of
Gila. Beyond Gila a heavy climb brought the railroad to Estrella,
from which the road dropped down to the station now known as
Heaton and to which point trains first operated April 28, 1879.

Abandoned City

Heaton is now just a blind siding and little more than a
whistling post, but early in 1879 it was a town of considerable
size and importance. It was then called Maricopa, named after
the famous stage station of Maricopa Wells located about seven
miles north, which was the watering place for that part of the
country. Being at the gateway for teaming to Phoenix and other
points in the Salt River Valley, Maricopa seemed destined to be-
come a large city. A special train was run from California carry-
ing many home-seekers and real estate men who invested in prop-
erty at the railroad terminus. The bubble burst as the railroad
pushed on eastward and, by the summer of 1887, the railroad of-
fices and name were moved four miles east to the present town of
Maricopa.

Beyond the original Maricopa was constructed one of the
longest, if not the longest, curve in the world, five miles in length,
with a ten-minute curvature. East of this curve is a tangent 47
miles in length, being the longest piece of straight track°on the
Southern pacific lines. Casa Grande was reached May 19, 1879
where work was held up during the summer season. The track
reached Tucson March 17, 1880, and three days later the first
passenger train entered that city.

102

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVEIW

Ancient Pueblo

Tucson then had about two thousand inhabitants. It had been
surrounded bv an adobe wall which was built many years before as
a protection against the Indians and outlaws.”3 Arrival of the
first train was celebrated with great enthusiasm and the banners
of all nations were floated from the outer walls of the ancient and
honorable pueblo. As the train approached the city limits a salute
of 38 guns was fired by the military and the Sixth Cavalry band
burst into a medley of patriotic airs. A silver spike, the driving o
which marked the final completion of the railroad into Tucson,
was presented to Col. Charles Crocker, president of the Southern
Pacific. After speeches of welcome, the party of visitors was es-
corted to the banquet hall.

The “Arizona Star” devoted most of its edition that day to
stories about the railroad, and in one article the editor wrote
poetically, as follows :

“The railway comes booming across the desert a thousand
miles from the Golden Gate to Asia, without a subsidy ; without a
land grant; without a mortgage on posterity, and is as welcome
to Arizona as the fertilizing stream that makes the desert bloom
like the rose. The name of the builder of the Chinese Wall is lost
in the Asian mystery. Eleven acres of solid masonry has not
served to preserve the name of the builder of the pyramid of
Gizah. Tliev were of no benefit to the human race, but the
names of builders of roads are immortal. The Mongolian shep-
herd will show you the road which Genghis Ivhan made through
the Nankou Pass. The Swiss peasant will guide you over the road
traversed by Hannibal across the Alps. The veriest yokel m Eng-
land watching his lane graze from the ruins of Stonehenge will
answer your question ‘who built that road to the heights of old

Sarum - Caesar!’ The typical New Englander, in crossing this

continent by the Southern Pacific Railroad a thousand years
hence to visit the ruins of London, will stop at the Casa Grande
and ask a descendant of the Pima Indians who built the citadel

Votf 35a-— The exact date of the founding of Tucson is uncertain Some writers claim it

building the s. p.

JLUo

of his trib^'pimaih* fldon ’tkn”6 T'1! repi-'; in the softest dialect
Southern Pacific Llrnad ” 1 b,Ut,f k’ him ‘Who built the
answer, 4 Crocker. ’ ” * ie c °f the centuries will

to a story tha^L^beenTokl ^e} celebratlon: which gave birth

Southern Pacific CoZ„v tn »t governor Freeman, to the
Angeles and Yuma, and to His Los

Message to Pope

by the Verv^ev tT +° tbe P°Pe> the Mayor was joined

son begs the honor of remTndin^IIif Hob ' “T!le JIaY?r °f Tuc-
and honorable pueblo was fo unded^bv^hl <f S that,thls ancie“‘
sanction of the Church more than ih- fpamards under the

form your Holiness that "Tailed from sTfZ^° “2
nia, now connects us with tL ^ pi, • +• fean ^ranciseo> Califor-
benediction.” G.^t eTcitment w'; 3" ™r,.d- AskinS
days later by the delivery of f ' »s created m Tucson a fcw
the Pope. A verv hrief L! .' hat, ""thought to be a reply from

expressed the appreciation of Il’is Hobn^^w^ f me difficulty,
“-but where the Il“ ° Tucs?n l ” ^ Ut 8Sked 'f^nieally,

tended the ceremonies, but who lived in another p^trlted

20 n^es^asrward.^where^i^mtered wlnVis k^" ,nesa‘? Vail-

Canyon. The original location abn- cL T" ,aS Clene»a
jected to bad washouts and nearly all of thfr °rfk w?? sub‘
Mescal had been rebuilt on higher' -round bv 189® f'T ,Va,li to
considerable portion of the line further eastward’ w had also 8
the grade dropped down to the San Pedro K ver 'nt p'0'" Mescal
which distance it was necessary to l„,;u!i .e. <U B.®nson> over

crooked track. This series of sh im °“ nu,es of very

with by line chan-es Xh ebmbm? , TT "f later done «'vay
first train was operated to Benson June 22,° lSSCh'^ CUrVeS' The

104

ARIZONA HISTORICAL REVEIW

Apache Country

From the Dragoon Mountains, just beyond Benson, the road
was extended across the Sulphur Springs Valley, passing over
a point once occupied by the ancient Lake Cochise, where the
prosperous little town of Willcox now stands. For hundreds of
years the Apache Indians held absolute dominion over this sec-
tion of the country. Chief Cochise made peace in 1872, which was
not violated until about two years after his death in 1876, when
the greater part of the Indians broke from the reservation and
went on the warpath later under the leadership of Chief
Geronimo. It was during the heyday of this notorious Indian
rebel that the Southern Pacific line was being built through that
part of Arizona, but the construction force was never attacked.
During a part of the time a military escort moved along with the
railroad men for protection. Geronimo surrendered in 1886.

Emerging from the fertile valley, the road passed over the
summit now known as Razo, then Railroad Pass, and from there
down the hill to Luzena and Bowie, so named from Ft. Bowie, an
old military post which lies several miles to the south of the pres-
ent station. From this point the road extended across San Simon
Valley and trains were operated into San Simon, 11 miles from
the Arizona-New Mexico boundary line, on September 15, 1880.

Just beyond, the line climbed the Peloncillo Mountains to the
summit of Steins, in the vicinity of which some of the scenes of
Geronimo were enacted and where many mail robbers took their
toll.

The first passenger trains were operated into Lordsburg on
October 18, 1880 ; to Deming on December 15 ; and on May 19,
1881, the road reached the Rio Grande River and El Paso wel-
comed its first railroad train.

STATEMENT^^^^THE^ THI^ACT^OF'cONGWESS^I^A'uCHJSnPj^^'/j^* ETC-

for ApfrUL1928RIZONA HIST0RICAL REVIEW, published quarterly at Phoenix, Aritona.
STATE OF ARIZONA
County of Maricopa.

Georg'S6 KeM^NS°Mey HfatSiS" h^^^.“ddC|Unty afore£aid' Penally appeared

•l.owij in the aboteYaptioY 'required'1 by’thi^Act'ofV'

° I Thlfth ReCU,ation8’ printed «n 'he reverae oTt”'a to “cti“ 411 •

manager, are: ' “nd addrC3ses »' ‘he publisher, editor, managing editor, and bueinese

Publisher — ARIZONA STATE HISTORTav pv. • . .

Editor-ARIZONA STATE

Managing Editor-ARIZONA STATE HISTORI \ ^*5!°“ . •

2. Thatt oam 'rIan‘em“ARIZ°NA STATE

and also immediately thereunderThefnames *‘3 ®arne end address must be stated

and addresqe °r,rre 5? ‘oUlTmou„tn7Soekd Yf S’” °,J ^holders owning or holdt^
ISin?o?Dor«eH f thc mdlvldua' owners must be given if S a corporation. the names

is 5-*-;

Bonds, or other securities tEan as ?o sUtS^W * ^ °f indirect “ the sSd^ock'

Sworn in. j , . GEO. H. KELLY, State Historian.

Sworn to and aubeertbed before me this 28th day of Oetober. 192S

(SEAL) ®. E. HILL, Notary Public.

(My commission expires September 23rd, 1928.)

-M5~

-M5~ —

rHEMAMOFACIURlfIG SWIIINERE

INC.

"ARIZONA’S

GREATEST

COMMERCIAL

PRINTING,

ENGRAVING AND
BINDING

PLANT”

317 W. ADAMS

PHOENIX

-MET

-MB'

M if* fn) £3k

* ■■ Jks» A v’*^

A/V\

Al/pk-p fl

\£fcw4>. \ ,*>•*✓ ^tiL.

Manufacturers of High
Explosives for Domestic and
Export Trade

All Grades of Gelatin and Ammonia Dynamites
Quarry and Grading Powders

Distributors of Blasting Caps,
Electric Detonators, Fuse and
Blasting Accessories

SALES OFFICE

BENSON, ARIZONA

PLANT OFFICE

BENSON, ARIZONA

7 he Leading Fruit

md Pr

e in

risona

Packers and Shippers of Salt River Valley and
Arizona Products

Shipments hy Freight, Express,

Parcel Post and by Truck

First Class Fruits and Vegetables

Everything in Season

$J JL-L * ii. o JlV .SIj ibk

*T TTV , . . __

y iH fi-£ „„ ... .. . . .

PRODUCE COMPANY

A P-ioenix, Tucson, Prescott A

r> j ry t? t

i ; .c •

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "Arizona historical review"

See other formats